
BookXA-±l4 



THE LIFE 



OF 



GILBERT MOTIER DE LAFAYETTE, 



A MARCIUIS OP FRANCE ; A GENERAL IN THE AMERICAN AND FRENCH 
REVOLUTIONS ; THE COMPATRIOT AND FRIEND OF WASHINGTON ; THE 
CHAMPION OF AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE, AND OF THE RIGHTS AND 
LIBERTIES OF MANKIND. 



FROM NUMEROUS AND AUTHENTICK SOURCES. 



BY EBENi^. MACK. 



" The History of the World is the Biography of Great Men." 

Carlyle. 



ITHACA, N. Y. ; 



MACK, ANDRUS, &WOODRUFF 
1841. 



Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1841, by Mack, 
Andrus, & Woodruff, in the Clerk's Office of the Northern District 
of New York. 







PREFACE. 



i In reading and reflecting upon the Mstory of the past, 
and contemplating the lives of those illastrious men to 
"whom this country is indebted for its freedom, it has occur- 
red to me, that the services and character of Lafayette 
are not fully appreciated by the American people. But 
how should they be appreciated, unless they are known? 
The name of LafAyette is familiar, and is cherished in 
popular tradition, as honourably connected with our revo- 
lutionary struggle. The materials for a more intimate 
knowledge of him are scattered through many voluminous 
'collections of publick documents, and works of History and 
Biography. He has been incidentally and favourably no- 
ticed by several American, French, and English authors. 
Memoirs and sketches of his life have been compiled and 
published — -most of them hastily devised and executed for 
some special occasion, and comprising only particular peri- 
ods of his eventful career. But there seems at this time to 
be wanted a connected narrative of the events of Lafay- 
ette's whole life, from his birth to his death---embracing 
his publick services, military and civil, in America and 
France ; as the hero of three revolutions ; the victim of 
despotism in the prison of Olmutz ; the restorer of lib- 
erty in the " three glorious days of July ;" his domestick 
history and habits ; his publick and private character — 
in such a plain, economical form, as will bring it within the 
means of all classes of readers to purchase, to peruse, and 
to comprehend. To supply this deficiency, is the object of 
the present volume. Although written in haste, amidst 
other cares and avotiations, since the commencement of 
January last, the task has not been accomplished without 
considerable labour, investigation and reflection. In the 
progress o{ it, th© following works have been consulted, 
viz : — The Life and Writings of Washington, by Mr. 
Sparks | the Life of Gov^rneur Morris, by the same ; Mar- 

1 



11 PEEFACH. 

shall's Life of Washington ; Botta's History of the Ameri- 
can Revolution ; Thatcher's Journal ; Lee's Memoirs of 
the War in the Southern Department; Life of Arthur Lee; 
Franklin's Works ; Jefferson's do. ; the Madison Papers ; 
the Lives of Hamilton, Gerry, Patrick Henry, Paul Jones, 
&;c. &;c. ; Crowe's History of France ; Thiers French 
Revolution , Mignet's do. ; Carlyle's do. ; Scott's Napo- 
leon ; Recollections of Mirabeau ; Dumas' Memoirs ; Chas- 
tellux's Travels ; Memoirs, Correspondence, and Manu- 
scripts of Lafayette, published by his family ; Sarran's 
Memoirs of Lafayette and the Revolution of 1830 ; Hol- 
stein's Memoirs of Lafayette ; Levasseur's Lafayette in 
America ; Cloquet's Private Life of Lafayette ; Carter's 
Letters from Europe ; Lady Morgan's France ; with many 
other biographical sketches, books of travel, historical es- 
says, newspaper files, &c. &c. — -comprising in all not less 
than one hundred volumes. 

From these numerous sources I have endeavoured to cull 
the most interesting facts ; to reconcile and correct their dis- 
crepancies and contradictions ; and to weave from the materi- 
als thus gathered, a faithful narrative of the life and character 
of Lafayette, with a strict regard to truth and justice, and 
to correct chronological and historical order. To state in 
each instance to which author I may be indebted for an inci- 
dent, a thought, or a narrative sentence, would be impracti- 
cable. Where I am deserving of credit, for originality of 
arrangement, of diction or of sentiment, the reader will 
award it : where I am not, that credit will be withheld, or 
awarded to others. I have no pride or ambition of author- 
ship. 1 claim no merit for this volume, except that of a 
faithful compilation :— And what else is all History — all 
Biography 1 If this work shall be deemed worthy to rank 
with the useful publications of the day — if it shall contrib- 
ute to elevate the taste and sentiments of the American 
people, and increase in them the desire of investigating the 
history and biography of their own country ; and if it shall 
lead them justly to appreciate the services and merits of 
one to whom they are to much indebted for the privileges 
they enjoy — my object will be attained — I shall be amply 
rewarded. 

Ithaca, July, 1841. 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER I. 

IJafayette — His ancestors — His Father : death of, at Minden — Histori- 
cal discrepancies relative thereto — Lafayette's posthumous birth- 
Proud title and wealthy inheritance — Ghevaniac, the place of his 
nativity — His infancy and childhood — Delicate constitution. — - 
Strong intellectual powers — His education — Death of his Mother 
and Grandfather — Becomes a favourite at Court — Is appointed one 
of the queen's pages, and a commissioned officer in the king's regi- 
ment — Marries at the age of sixteen — His wife's family — Her amia- 
ble and noble character — Lafayette's love of liberty, early and 
innate — A poor courtier — Refuses a place — Was prepared to espouse 
the American revolution. . . . . . . Page 13 

CHAPTER IL 

Commencement of the American Revolution — Its high character and 
objects^ — Lafayette among the first to espouse its cause — Origin of 
that intention— Resolves to go to America — Opposition of family 
and friends — Interview with Mr. Deane — Secret preparations — Mr. 
Deane's written stipulation — News of American disasters — their 
effects — Franklin and Deane dissuade Lafayette — His perseverance 
and confidence — Prepares to purchase and equip a vessel — Opposi- 
tion of the French government — ¥igilance of the British envoy—" 
evades it— Corresponds with Franklin and Deane — Visit to England 
. — Distinguished reception — Openly avows his sentiments — Hastily 
returns to Paris — Prepares to depart for America — Government in- 
terference — His arrest ordered—Trying crisis — Proceeds in dis- 
guise — Pursued — Recognized by a young girl — His secret kept — • 
Reaches Passage in safety. ....... 21 

CHAPTER III. 

Sails for America — Voyage — Difficulties with the captain — Study and 
employment — Letters to Madame Lafayette — Prophetick senti- 
ments — Arrives at Georgetown^ S. C. — Lands on the American 
shore — Swears to conquer or perish in the cause — At the house of 
Major Huger — First impressions— Reception at Charleston — Letter 
from thence — Journey by land to Philadelphia. . . .28 

CHAPTER IV. 

Lafayette arrives in Philadelphia — State of aifairs — Anxiety for em- 
glojment — Applies to Congress- — Embarrassing circumstances— 



IV CONTENTS. 

Cool reception — Offers to serve at his own expense, and as a volun- 
teer — Accepted by Congress — Commission as Major-General — 
Lafayette's first interview with Gen. Washington — His arrival at 
the American camp — His description of the army — Anxious for an 
active command — Embarrassment of Gen. Washington. . 35 

CHAPTER V. 

The Crisis — Sufferings of the army — J^vents and movements — Arri- 
val of the enemy's fleet — March of the army — Battle of Brandy- 
wine — Lafayette wounded — His account of the battle — Is con- 
veyed to Bethlehem — Employment there — Domestick correspond- 
ence — Zeal, correspondence and projects, in behalf of America — 
Movements of the armies — Battle of Germantown — Minor opera, 
tions — Red Bank — Death of Count Donop — Fort Mifflin — Major 
rieury. .. ........ 40 

CHAPTER VI. 

Lafayette returns to head-quarters — Domestick anxiety and corres- 
pondence — Difficulty of communication with France — Situation 
and feelings — Desire for a command — Gen. Washington's letter on 
the subject — Success merited and won— Battle of Gloucester — De- 
cision of Congress — Lafayette's character appreciated — Letter of 
Patrick Henry — The array in winter quarters — Its great sufferings 
at Whitemarsh and Valley Forge — Lafayette the soldier's friend 
— His zeal and humanity — His habits — Solicits the alliance of 
France — Advocates the American cause and character — Letter to 
the Duke D'Ayen, , . , . ., . . .49 

CHAPTER Vn. 

Dissensions, painful to Lafayette — Conway's Cabal — Lafayette re- 
mains faithful to Gen. Washington — Correspondence between 
them — Lafayette hears of the birth of a daughter — Determines to 
remain in America — Letter to Madame Lafayette — Expedition 
against Canada — Lafayette appointed to the command — j(iebukes 
the enemies of Washington — Journey to Albany — Difficulties en- 
countered—Letters to Gen. Washington — Lafayette's liberality — 
Visit to the Indian tribes-<-I^etter to Baron Steuben — Expedition 
abandoned — Approbatory resolution of Congress — Lafayette re- 
turns to head-quarters— Conway's confession. . . .58 

CHAPTER VIII. 

Preparations for the Campaign of 1778 — Influence abroad of Lafay- 
ette's example — American commissioners in Paris — Policy of the 
French government — Favourable impressions in Europe — Joy in 
France at American success — Prospects of an alliance — Lord 
North's Conciliatory Bills — Treatise between France and the Uni- 
ted States — Celebration of this event — New oath of allegiance — ■ 
Administered by Lafayette — Objection by Woodford's brigade — Ob- 
viated by Lafayette — Campaign commences — Affair of Barren 



COKTENTS. V 

Hill — Masterly retreat of Lafayette — Its importance — Anxiety of 
Cen. Washington — Lafayette's affection — Deatii of iiis daughter — - 
Letter thereon — The doniestick and social virtues commended. 71 

CHAPTER IX. 

The British army evacuates Philadelphia — Pursuit by the Americans 
• — Lee and a majority of officers oppose an attack — Lafayette con- 
curs with Washington, Greene, and others, in favour of it — Lee 
declines the command of the advanced corps — Conferred on La- 
fayette — His instructions— Yields to Lee's solicitations — Vacilla- 
ting conduct of Lee — Battle of Monmouth — Arrival of the French 
fleet, under Count D'Estaing — It repairs to Newport — Gratification 
of Lafayette — Is appointed to co-operate with his countrymen — = 
Gen. Greene sent to participate in the command — -Correspondence 
of Washington and Lafayette on the occasion. . . .81 

CHAPTER X. 

Operations at Newport — Plans disconcerted — Displeasure of Count 
D'Estaing — British fleet appears — Engagement between the French 
and English fleets — -Separated by a storm— T,e French fleet re- 
turns to Boston — Indignation and misunderstanding occasioned 
thereby — Lafayette acts as mediator — Repairs to Boston — Harmo- 
ny restored — Action at Newport — Lafayette's hasty return to par- 
ticipate in it — The "Retreat of Rhode Island " — Lafayette's servi. 
ces on the occasion appreciated — Resolution of Congress — Appro- 
batory letter of Washington. . . . . . .89 

CHAPTER XL 

Lafayette watches the enemy on Rhode Island — New difficulties be. 
tween the French and Americans — Reconciled by Lafayette — His 
anxiety for more active operations— Projects for that purpose — 
Canada expedition discouraged by Washington — Lafayette decides 
to visit France — Insulting language of the British Commissioners 
— Lafayette resents it, and proposes challenging Lord Carlisle — 
Gen. Washington and Count D'Estaing endeavour to dissuade him 
therefrom — Challenge sent and declined — Lafayette prepares for 
his voyage — Correspondence with Gen. Washington and Congress 
— Grateful testimonials and acknowledgments— Lafayette leaves 
Philadelphia for Boston — His dangerous illness at Fishkill — attend- 
ed by Doct. Cochrane — Kindness of Gen. Wasliington -Visit of Dr. 
Thatcher— Lafayette recovers — Takes leave of Washington, and 
pursues his journey — His eloquent tribute to the character of Wash- 
ington — Detention at Boston — The proposed Canada expedition 
finally rejected by Congress — Lafayette's farewell letters to General 
Washington- -Sails for France. . . . . . .99 

CHAPTER XII. 

The voyage — Incidents and dangers — Storm — Vessel dismasted — 
Conspiracy of the crew — Its suppression — Arrival at Brest — Lafay- 
ette's feelings — His cordial reception— At Versailles — Affected di&. - 

1* 



VI CONTENTS. 

pleasure of the king — Ludicrous vindication of royal prerogative — 
Lafayette in temporary exile — The queen's curiosity to see him — 
His liberation — Gracious reception at court — Becomes the lion of 
the day — Remembers the patriots of America — Patronised by the 
queen — Her admiration of Washington — Count de Vergennes — La- 
fayette negotiates for aid to America — Proposed descent upon the 
Enghsh coast — Paul Jones — Correspondence with — Expedition 
abandoned — Preparations for an invasion of England, by Spain and 
France — Lafayette advances money for America — Offers to pledge 
his fortune — Plans for hiring vessels — For a loan — Letter of Wasla- 
iington —To Franklin— Lafayette's correspondence with Gen.Wash- 
ington and the President of Congress. .... 109 

CHAPTER Xni. 

Lafayette continues his efforts in behalf of America — Prohibited by 
Congress from asking the aid of land forces — On his own responsi- 
bility, solicits from the French ministers a naval armament, money, 
clothing,and a large body of auxiliary troops — His plan for the expe- 
dition — Urges immediate action — Sword from Congress, presented 
by Dr. Franklin — Description of it — Letter of Dr. Franklin — La- 
fayette's reply — Letters to Gen. Washington and President Law- 
rens — Abandonment of the expedition against England — Summa- 
ry of the campaign of 1779, in America— Renewed efforts of La- 
fayette — Finally successful — Plan of the expedition agreed upon — 
Stipulations honourable to the Americans— Lafayette's instructions 
from the French Government — Sails again for America. 120 

CHAPTER XIV. 

Lafayette arrives at Boston — Letter to Gen. Washington — ^Joy at his 
return — Repairs to Head-quarters — His reception —Visits Philadel- 
phia — Welcomed by Congress — Plans for future operation — De- 
plorable state of the army and country — Efforts of Washington, 
seconded by Lafayette — Patriotick exertions of the ladies of Phila- 
delphia — Liberal subscription of Lafayette— Arrival of the French 
fleet — Lafayette commissioned to meet it — Authorized to confer with 
the French admiral and general — Negotiations and correspondence 
— Zeal and perseverance — Plans of attack — Causes of embarrass- 
pient and delay — Approbation of Washington, . . . 127 

CHAPTER XV. 

Lafayette returns to Head-quarters — His favourite command of Light 
Infantry — His liberality to it — Thatcher's description of — Anxious 
for the attack of New York — Correspondence with Count Rocham- 
beau-^-The Count offended — Lafayette's explanations — Admonitory 
letter of Count Rochambeau— Lafayette accompanies Gen. Wash- 
ington to Hartford — Interview between the American and French 
commanders — Return to West Point---Treason of Arnold — Its de- 
tection — Arrest of Andre — Lafayette's account of these events — 
One of the Board of Officers which tried Andre — Concurs in the 
expediency of his execution. . , , . . . 138 



CONTENTS. Vll 



CHAPTER XVI. 



Lafayette'^s continued anxiety, and projects, for active employment — 
The Chevalier de Chasteilux— His visit to the American camp — To 
Lafayette's encampment-^Opinion of Washington and Lafayette — 
Attack on York Island abandoned — Lafayette's favourite corps 
disbanded — He repairs to Philadelphia— Proposes to join the south, 
ern army — Change in the French ministry-r-New hopes inspired — 
Mutiny of the Pennsylvania and New Jersey soldiers — Lafayette's 
return to Head-quarters — Its object — Mission of Col. Laurens to 
France — Letters of Lafayette — To Count de Yergennes— To Ma- 
dame Lafayette 145 

CHAPTER XVII. 

Arnold in Virginia — Contemplated expedition for his capture—Lafay- 
ette assigned to the command of a southern detachment — His pre- 
parations and rapid progress — Intended co-operation of the French 
fleet — Action between the French and English fleets— The enemy's 
fleet gains possession of the Chesapeake Bay-— Lafayette retires — 
Visit to the mother of Washington— Arrives with his forces at the 
Head of Elk — Meets the orders of Gen. Washington to repair with 
his detachment to Virginia— Sufferings, discontent and mutiny of 
the soldiers — Lafayette suppresses the mutiny, and borrows money 
to relieve the wants of the soldiers — Their devotion to him-— Leave 
to return — Declined by Lafayette— His rapid march — Reaches Rich- 
mond in advance, and to the astonishment, of Phillips and Arnold — 
Commencement of the Virginia campaign— Lafayette's vigilance 
and prudence — His account of events — Death of Gen. Phillips — 
Command devolves on Arnold — Lafayette refuses to correspond 
with him — Approval of Gen. Washington 155 

CHAPTER XVJIL 

Cornwallis arrives in Virginia — His force — That of Lafayette-— Lafay- 
yette at Richmond — Secures the valuable property — Letter to Gen.. 
Washington— Cornwallis advances upon Richmond — Lafayette 
compelled to retreat — His rapid and skillful movements — Letters to 
^Greene and Washington— Baffles Tarleton— Junction with Wayne's 
detachment — Outgenerals Cornwallis — Gains a strong position be- 
tween the enemy and the magazines at Albemarle— -Cornwallis 
retreats — Lafayette becomes the assailant— His account of an action 
—Cornwallis continues his retreat— Action at Jamestown — The 
enemy retreat to Portsmouth — Indications of their intention to 
,embark^Lafayette is anxious to join the northern army — Corres- 
^pondence on the subject with Gen. Washington — Hints of import- 
ant operations — A French squ.adron expected — Junction of the 
French and American armies — Washington announces important 
matters to Lafayette — Enjoins him to a vigilant watch of the ene- 
my—Mode of compliance — The enemy embark — Pass up the bay — 
Commence fortifications — Lafayette becomes satisfied to remain in 
Virginia — Informed of the destination of the French squadron- 
Correspondence with Washington— Enjoined to prevent the enemy's 



VIU CONTENTS. 

retreat — Continued vigilance — System of Espionage— Morgan, the 
pretended deserter. . . . . » . . .166 

CHAPTER XIX. 

Gen. Washington, with the combined armies, resolves to march to 
Virginia — Injunctions to Lafayette renewed and complied with — 
Cornwallis held in a position favourable to Lafayette's plans and 
wishes — The fleet of Count de Grasse arrives in the Chesapeake 
— Lafayette in command of the combiaed forces — Blockades Corn- 
wallis, by sea and land — Impatience of Count de Grasse and Gen. 
St. Simon — Urge Lafayette to attack Cornwallis — He refuses — 
Sacrifices ambition, and glory, to duty and discretion — A Brit- 
ish fleet appears off the Chesapeake — Count de Grasse sails — Meets 
and disperses them — Gen. Washington and Count Rochambeau 
arrive at Williamsburg — Interview with the French admiral — De 
Grasse promises to co-operate — Changes his mind — Resolves to sail 
for the West Indies — Mission of Lafayette, to dissuade him from 
it — Its success — The French and American armies arrive — General 
Washington in command — Siege of Yorktown commenced — Gen. 
Rochambeau's account of it — Lafayette storms and carries a re- 
doubt — Capitulation and surrender — Lafayette's deportment — Vin- 
dicates the Americans — Offers to join General Greene — Resolves to • 
visit France — Takes leave of his brave corps — Complimentary re- 
solves of Congress — Approbatory letters of' Counts de Segur and 
• de Vergenries — Farewell letters of Washington — Lafayette bids 
adieu to Washington and sails for France — His military services 
in America terminated — Their value — Estimate of the Virginia 
campaign —Gen. Lee's opinion — Testimony of Mr. Madison. 180 

CHAPTER XX. 

Lafayette received with enthusiasm in France — His continued devo- 
tion to the American cause — Letters of Washington — Approbatory 
resolutions of Virginia — Negotiations for peace — Formidable pre- 
parations for a new campaign — The treaty finally signed — Lafay- 
ette sends the ship Triumph to America, with the first news of peace 
— Deterred from accompanying it, by diplomatick difficulties at 
Madrid — Repairs to that city, and procures the acknowledgment 
by Spain of M. Carmichael — Desire and intention of revisiting. 
America — Invitation to General Washington — Madame Lafayette 
unites in it — Washington's letter to Madame Lafayette — Lafayette 
embarks for, and arrives in, America — His reception— Meeting with 

' Gen. Washington — Return to the north — Liberality to Matthew 
Carey — Ascends the Hudson — Is present at an Indian treaty — Re- 
turns to the south — Reception by the Legislature of Virginia — Reso- 
lution and address of Congress — Lafayette's reply — Affectionate 
farewell letter from Gen. Washington — Embarks from New York — 
Arrives safely in France. . . , . . . .196 

CHAPTER XXI. 

Lafayette's official connexion with America terminates— He enters up- 
on another field of action — Continues to serve America — Visits the 



CONTENTS. IX 

courts of Germany — Reception by the Emperour Joseph and Fred- 
erick the Great— His liberal principles confirmed— Plans for eman. 
cipating the blacks from slavery — Purchases an estate at Cayenne 
for that purpose — His views approved by Gen. Washington — Their 
nature and extent — For gradual, not sudden, emancipation — Fa- 
vours the French Protestants— The bust of Lafayette, presented by 
the State of Virginia, through Mr. Jefferson, to the municipality 
of Paris--T-Is placed, with imposing ceremonies, in the Hotel de 

Villa, . . . . ... . .. . . m 

CHAPTER XXII. 

The French Revolution — Its causes — Preliminary events— Lo«is XVI 
— Maurepas — Assembly of Notables — Lafayette a member of it — 
His propositions for reform — The States General convened — Its 
character — Lafayette a deputy —Dissentions of the orders — The 
commons constitute themselves the National Assembly — Tlie king, 
sides with the privileged orders-r-I)pors of the Assembly closed— 
The members repair to the Tennis Court— Take an oath— Last 
" bed of justice" — Speech of Mirabeau— Lafayette, with forty liberal 
nobles, joins the commons — The three orders unite — Lafayette pro. 
poses a Declaration of Rights — First insurrection in Paris — Lafay- 
ette Vice-President of the Assembly — Destruction of the Bastile — ■ 
Deputation to the Hotel de Ville — Bailly chosen Mayor of Paris — 
Lafayette commander of the civick guards — Receives the king in 
Paris — Organizes the National Guards — Institutes the tri-coloured 
cockade — His character and influence at this period — Endeavours 
to preserve tranquillity — Indignant at popular excesses — Threatens 
to resign — Persuaded to continue in command — Refuses compensa- 
tion for his services— Feudal privileges abolished — Declaration of 
rights adopted. 211 

CHAPTER XXIII. 

Intrigues and duplicity of the queen and court — Projected removal of 
the king — Mad military banquet at Versailles — Fearful insurrec- 
tion of the 6th of October — Mob of women assail the palace — La- 
fayette resists the popular fury — Repairs to Versailles — Defends 
the palace — Saves the lives of the royal family— Reconciles the 
king and queen to the populace — The royal family remove to 
Paris — Guarded by Lafayette — New projects of agitation and flight 
— Counteracted by Lafayette — Transmits to Gen. Washington a 
drawing and key of the Bastile — Volunteer oath of the King to sus. 
tain the constitution — Abolition of titles — Death of Franklin — 
Eulogiura of Mirabeau — Motion of Lafayette — Anniversary of 
the 14th July — Federation of the Champ-de-Mars — Lafayette the 
champion of the day — The oath — Grand review of the National 
Guards — Monitory address of Lafayette — Reply of the deputies. 225 

CHAPTER XXIV. 

Empty pageant and professions — The factions — Lafayette endeavours 
to reconcile them — Counter disturbances — Lafayette suppresses 



X CONTENTS. 

them — His true position— Death of Mirabeau — Danger and dupli- 
city of the king— Royal family escape — Lafayette blamed by the 
populace — Vindication — Is offered and rejects the vacant throne — 
The king arrested at Varennes and brought back to Paris— Lafay- 
ette receives and protects the royal family — The king suspended — 
Lafayette responsible for his safe custody — The Jacobins demand a 
republick — Mob in the Champ.de-Mars — Lafayette fires upon and 
suppresses it — The constitution completed — The king restored — 
Lafayette resigns his commission — Retires to Chavagnac — Is de- 
feated as candidate for Mayor of Paris — Is appointed a general of 
the army — Accepts — Reception at Paris — Repairs to Mentz — Letter 
to Gen. Washington — War declared — Reign of Terrour approaches 
— Lafayette remonstrates to the Assembly — His appeal comes too 
late— Insurrection of the 20th June 239 

CHAPTER XXV. 

Lafayette indignant at the outrages in Paris — Remonstrances of the 
army — Lafayette repairs to Paris — Appears before the Assembly — 
Denounces the Jacobins — Accused and defended — Received with 
coldness by the king and queen — Enthusiasm of the populace — 
Lafayette returns to the army — Conciliation of factions in the As- 
sembly—New outbreaks of the populace — Lafayette sees the ap- 
proach of the tempest — His plan for the safety of the king and 
queen — Rejected by them — Opposing project and views of Gover- 
neur Morris — The dethronement of the king proposed by the Jaco- 
bins — Accusation against Lafayette— He is acquitted by the Assem- 
bly— Last gleam of justice — Fearful insurrection of the 10th August 
— Suspension of the royal authority — Final imprisonment of the 
king and family — Account of these events by Theirs and Dumas 
— Lafayette refuses to acknowledge the Jacobin authorities — Causes 
the imprisonment of their commissioners — The Assembly declare 
Lafayette a traitor— Jacobinism inf cts the armies — Luckner and 
Dumouriez submit — Lafayette leaves France — His arrest and im, 
prisonment in Austria and Prussia 252 

CHAPTER XXVI. 

Sympathies in favour of Lafayette — Efforts for his liberation— Gener- 
ous exertions of Governeur Morris — Eloquent appeal of Madame de 
Stael — Feelings and personal exertions of Gen, Washington— Fate 
of Madame Lafayette — Her letters and appeals to President Wash- 
ington — His answers — Popular feeling in the United States in fa- 
vour of a commission to demand the release of Lafayette— Colonel 
M'Henry solicits the appointment — Efforts in behalf of Lafayette 
in Europe — Masclet and his associates— Bollman and Huger's en-, 
terprise for the escape of Lafayette — Its partial success — The es- 
cape — Their capture and imprisonment — Lafayette treated with 
increased severity — Bollman and Huger released — Their efforts in 
the United States— Gen. Washington declines acting officially— 
Renews his personal efforts— Writes to Mr. Pinckney — His letter 
to the Emperour of Germany. ...... 263 



CONTENTS. XI 

CHAPTER XXVII. 

Madame Lafayette set at liberty— Sends her son, George Washington 
Lafayette, to America— He is kindly received by President Wash, 
ington, and publickly by Congress — Madame Lafayette is aided by 
Mr. Monroe— She repairs to Vienna — Has an interview with the 
Emperom- of Austria — Is permitted, and nobly determines to share, 
with her daughters, the imprisonment of Lafayette at Olmutz — 
Maubourg's account of it referred to — The daughters of Lafayette 
— They alleviate the gloom of his prison — Madamoiselle Anastasie's 
Sketch of the Jailer of Olmutz— The faithful Felix— Victorious ca- 
reer of the French armies — Gratifying to Lafayette — Napoleon, the 
hero and conqueror — The first spark of his ambition kindled — Stip. 
ulates at Leoben for the release of Lafayette and his companions 
— Dishonourable conditions imposed by Austria — Lafayette refuses 
them — Bonaparte suspects the duplicity of Austria — Sends Romeuf 
to demand Lafayette's liberation — His final release — Is delivered to 
the American consul at Hamburg — His residence in Holstein — Re- 
turns to France- -The First Consul desires to gain him— Lafayette 
is grateful to Napoleon, but suspects him of ambitious designs — 
Refuses the office of senator— Retires from the army — Refuses to 
vote for Napoleon as consul for life — His letter explanatory. 274 

CHAPTER XXVIII. 

Lafayette in the retirement of Lagrange— Suggested mission to Amer. 
ica— Is offered by President Jefferson the office of Governour of 
Louisiana — Letter declining the appointment — Mr. Jefferson's opin-^ 
ion of Lafayette— Letter approving his conduct in the French Rev-*^ 
olution — Lagrange not exempt from misfortune and sorrow — Acci- 
dent to Lafayette — Petty resentments of Napoleon— Death of Mad- 
ame Lafayette—Her character— Lafayette's sorrow, and affectionate 
remembrance of her— Napoleon's exile to and return from Elba — 
Endeavours to conciliate the old friends of liberty—Lafayette de- 
clines his advances — Refuses the peerage— Remonstrates against 
the revival of despotism— Is elected a deputy — Battle of Waterloo- 
Last effort of Napoleon— Bold and patriotick declarations of Lafay- 
ette — Frustrates the despotick designs of Napoleon— Reply to Lu- 
cien Bonaparte— Advises the abdication of the Emperour— Is a com- 
missioner to treat with the allies— Endeavours to secure the liberty 
of Napoleon, and his safe conduct to America— Retires to Lagrange 
—Elected again to the Chamber of Deputies— Advocates liberal 
principles and measures— Resists the despotick encroachments un- 
der the restoration- Warns and reproaches the Bourbon dynasty — 
Is accused of treasonable designs— Challenges his adversaries to the 
proof— Is defeated in his election by the Ministry. . . 289 

CHAPTER XXIX. 

Lafayette determines to visit America — His departure and voyage- 
Arrives at New York— Is received with enthusiasm— Journey to and 
reception at Boston— Returns to New York— Brilliant fete at Castle 
Garden— Voyage up the Hudson— Return— Goes south— Reception 



Xll CONTENTS. 

at Philadelphia — Visit of Lafayette to the tomb of Washington-^ 
Celebration at Yorktown— Honours and Hospitalities in Virginia- 
Returns to Washington- -Reception by Congress — Address of Ml*. 
Clay— Lafayette's answer — Munificent act of Congress — How re- 
ceived and accepted by Lafayette — Rapid tour through the Southern, 
and Western States — Sketch of the route and some of the incidents 
of his journey — Arrives in Boston — Universal astonishment at the 
journey performed — The anniversary of the Battle of Bunker Hill — ■ 
Lafayette assists in laying the corner stone of the monument— Re- 
turns to Washington — Farewell visit to the Ex-presidents in Vir- 
ginia — Celebration of Lafayette's birthday — Close of his tour— Its 
incidents and character — Farewell address of President Adams- 
Lafayette's reply— Embarks on board the frigate Brandywine—Bids 
a final adieu to America. ....... 301 

CHAPTER XXX. 

Lafayette arrives at Havre— Parting with the officers of the Brandy- 
wine — His reception at Lagrange— Carter's description of Lagrange, 
of the family, and domestick life of Lafayette— Benevolent acts of 
Lafayette — He mingles again in publick affairs— In the Chamber 
of Deputies-^His visit to Chevaniac — Popular manifestations — The 
precursors of a new revolution — Revolution of July, 1830 — Lafay- 
ette's prominent share in it— is appointed commander-in-chief of the 
military — Repairs, in popular triumph, to the Hotel de Ville— His 
proclamation to the people and the army. . . . 336 

CHAPTER XXXI. 

Result of the " Glorious Three Days" — Lafayette, in behalf of the 
people and the deputies, declares the throne vacant — Refuses the 
executive power— Consents to the appointment of the Duke of Or- 
leans as Lieutenant-General— Meeting of Lafayette and the Lieu- 
tenant-General, at the Hotel de Ville— Guarantees in favour of lib- 
erty — The Duke made King, with the title of Louis Philippe-^La- 
fayette appointed commander-in-chief of the national guards — Pre- 
sentation of the colours— Trial of the Polignac ministers— Lafayette 
suppresses the popular commotion — Is the victim of envy and in. 
trigue — Resigns his commission— Continues his services as a depu- 
ty — Opposes a retrograde policy — Benevolent acts, during the chol- 
era — Age threatens its infirmities — The duel of Dulongand JBugeaud 
— Lafayette attends the funeral of Dulong — The cause of his ill- 
ness—Progress of his disease — His death — Funeral honours and 
obsequies — The Tomb of Lafayette. .... 347 

CHAPTER XXXIL 

The death of Lafayette creates deep sensations in America— Funeral 
honours and obsequies by the people— His death announced by Pres- 
ident Jackson to Congress— The President's proclamation to the 
Army and Navy — Resolutions of Congress — Dratibh of the Hon. J. 
Q. Adams — Conclusion — Lafayette's person and habits — Summary 
view of his services and character. ..... 366 



THE 

LIFE OF LAFAYETTE 



CHAPTER I. 



Lafayette — His ancestors — His Father : death of, at Minden — Histori- 
cal discrepancies relative thereto — Lafayette's posthumous birth — 
Proud title and wealthy inheritance — Chevaniac, the place of his 
nativity — His infancy and childhood — Delicate constitution- 
Strong intellectual powers — His education — Death of his Mother 
and Grandfather — Becomes a favourite at -Court — Is appointed one 
of the queen's pages, and a commissioned officer in the king's regi- 
ment — Marries at the age of sixteen — His wife's family — Her amia- 
ble and noble character — Lafayette's love of liberty, early and 
innate — A poor courtier — Refuses a place — Was prepared to espouse 
the American revolution. 

The subject of this memoir is known to the civilized 
%vorId, and will continue to be known through future ages, 
by the simple appellation of Lafayette. His history pre- 
sents an example unparalleled, of pure philanthropy, of dis- 
interested patriotism, and of faithful devotion to the cause 
of human liberty, Man has been termed " the creature ol' 
circumstance." To the perceptions of finite reason, his 
destiny is indeed controlled, in a great measure, by the 
chances of birth and fortune. 

'" O, who can tell, how many a soul sublime 
Has felt the influence of malignant star, 
And waged with Fortune an eternal war; 
In life's low vale remote has pined alone, 
Then dropt into the grave, unpitied and unknown." 

But it is permitted to man to overcome, by mental and 
physical energies, the apparent influences of his destiny ; 
and few have been distinguished as truly good or great, who 
have not risen superiour to the circumstances by which 
they were surrounded. Obscurity of birth, the chilling hand 

2 



14 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

of poverty, hang heavy upon the spirit, and often weigh 
down the most persevering efforts, even in this enUghtened 
age and country. But it is much easier to surmount these, 
than to rise above the enervating and corrupting influences 
of aristocratick birth and wealthy inheritance. 

Of the ancestors of Lafayette, and of his infancy, there 
are few historical records. We know, however, that he 
sprung from a family, boasting a long descent of French 
nobility ; that he was literally born to a distinguished title 
and to a wealthy inheritance ; and that he was, at the most 
voluptuous period of French histor}^ nursed in the lap of 
luxury and indulgence. It is recorded that, " in the four- 
teenth century, the Lafayettes, in the province of Auvergne, 
already exerted themselves to improve the condition of those 
who were then called vassals ;" and that, " in the fifteenth 
century. Marshal de Lafayette expelled the enemy from the 
territory of France." In the female line, two of Lafay- 
ette's ancestors are distinguished in history. The first 
of these was Louisa de Lafayette^ who lived in the sixteenth 
century. She was maid of honour to Anne of Austria, the 
young and persecuted queen of Louis XIII, of France; and 
became the confidante and friend of that timid monarch. 
But when he ventured to hint a dishonourable proposal, she 
retired to a convent. At subsequent interviews, however, 
she, in concert with his confessor, warned the king against 
the enemies of his political power and domestick peace ; 
and, notwithstanding the subtle craft of Cardinal Richelieu, 
her pious and generous voice held its influence, and suc- 
ceeded in reconciling the monarch to his queen. Marie 
Madeline, Countess Lafayette, is favourably known in the 
literary annals of France. She was married to the Count 
de Lafayette, in 1665, and died in 1693. — Her princi^ial 
works are " Zaide," many times reprinted, and " La Prin- 
cesse de Cleves," to which Fontenelle is said to have given 
four readings. A high compliment is also paid to her ge- 
nius by Voltaire. She had only one child, a daughter, who 
became Madame de la Tremoille, and heiress to the property 
of the Lafayette family, which she generously restored to 
the male line of the family, her cousins, who inhabited the 
province of Auvergne, in which the estate was situated. 

The father of our hero, Michael-Louis-Christophe-Roche- 
Gilbert de Metier, Marquis de Lafayette, colonel of the 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 15 

Grenadiers of France, and Chevalier de St. Louis, was 
among the brave and gallant spirits of his time, and fell, at 
the early age of twenty-five years, in the military service 
of his country. He was killed at Minden, in Germany, 
during the general European war, in which Frederick the 
Great of Prussia acquired fame as a warriour, ( 1756-7, &c.), 
leaving our hero, Marie-PauKJoseph-Roche-Yves Gilbert 
Metier, Marquis de Lafayette, (giving in full the name and 
title which he inherited), his sole descendent, to render the 
family name immortal. 

There is a contradiction, or rather a want of chronologi- 
cal precision, among historians, and those who have hereto- 
fore attempted biographical sketches of Lafayette, as respects 
the date of the father's death, and, consequently, the period 
of the son's birth, which it may be well here to notice. — 
Truth alone is history ; and he who undertakes the respon- 
sible office of transmitting its records to posterity, should 
aim to be correct in the minutest particular. 

During the war in Germany, Minden, which was a wall- 
ed and fortified town, was first taken by the French, under 
generals Broglie and Chevert, July 13th, 1757. It was re- 
captured by the combined English and Hanoverian army, 
under Prince Ferdinand of Brunswick, on the 14th of March, 
1758. The year following, June, 1759, the Duke de Brog- 
lie again took Minden by assault, and the main body of the 
French army, soon after advancing to Minden, took up a 
strong position resting upon that town. By successful 
manoeuvring, the combined English, Prussian, and Hano- 
verian forces, under Prince Ferdinand, brought on a general 
engagement, in which the French were defeated, and Minden 
was next day surrendered to the allied army. It is this 
latter engagement, the most important of the three actions, 
which is distinguished in history and chronology, as " The 
Battle of Minden." — And Crowe states, in his History of 
France, 2d vol., p. 190 — that among the French colonels 
slain in this affair, " was the Marquis de Lafayette, a noble 
of an ancient family. He left his marchioness, a lady of the 
house of Lusignan, pregnant. This posthumous child is the 
Lafayette of the revolution, and of the present day." The 
American editor of the " Memoirs, &c. of Lafayette, pub- 
lished by his family," states also in a note, p. 2, the father of 
Lafayette was " killed at the battle of Minden." He himself, 



lb LIFE OF LAFAYETTE » 

in the same Memoir and page, says, it is " too minute to dwell 
upon the particulars of my birth, which soon followed the 
death of my father at Minden. All his biographers, how- 
ever, agree, and it corresponds with the dates of subsequent 
events, mentioned by himself, and with the inscription upon 
his tomb at Paris, in fixing his birth on the 6th of Sep- 
tember, 1757. His father, therefore, must have fallen, not 
at the " Battle of Minden," but at the first capture of that for- 
tress, in July, 1757 ; and, his birth soon following that eventy 
he was cast fatherless upon the world, the vested heir of a 
proud title and rich estates, and surrounded by temptations 
and influences little calculated to produce a premature and 
persevering champion in the cause of liberty and virtue. 

The birthplace of Lafayette, was the Chateau of Chavag- 
nac, (or Chevaniac,) situated in the then Province of Au- 
vergne, but now in the department of the Haute Loire, the 
canton of Paulhoquet, and the arrondisement of Brionde. 
It is about 120 leagues from Paris. The building is large, 
romantically situated, venerable in appearance, but cannot 
be called ancient, having been destroyed by fire and rebuilt in 
1701. The estate attached to it once comprised an extensive 
and considerable property ; but was confiscated and parti- 
tioned during the French revolution, and the chateau itself, 
and a portion of the estate, was afterwards purchased back by 
a relative of Lafayette, and is now the property of his family. 
Kvery thing connected with the being of Lafayette must be 
interesting to American readers. But, could -we transport 
them to the old chateau, (of which a view is here presented,) 
they would find little with which his name, in its early or 
mature relations, could be associated. They could not as- 
certain even the room in which the eyes of the heroick de- 
fender of liberty in two hemispheres, first opened upon the 
light of day ; for this his own son has not been able to as- 
certain ; nor could those who have diligently sought for such 
associations, discover any object about the place, which 
might serve as a memento of his early days, except a por- 
trait of him taken at the age of nine or ten years. 
t Few were the years which the young Lafayette passed 
at the place of his nativity ; nor were those distinguished 
by peculiar events, or even by the usual attendants of a hap- 
py and buoyant childhood. He was, according to his rela- 
tive, Count Segur, a sickly infant?, giving no promise of those 




2* 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 19 

( constitutional energies which were afterwards exemplified 
during the arduous duties and fatigues of a long and eventful 
life. — His intellectual powers, however, were early and 
strongly developed : for it may be said thafe he was a man 
while yet a child ; and was found exercising the faculties of 
mature years, at a period when others have scarce passed 
the boundary which divides youth from infancy. He was 
educated, as he himself states, in Auvergn®, " with tender 
and revered relations," until the age of twelve years, when he 
was removed to a college (du Plessis) at Paris. There, soon 
after, April 12th, 1770, his mother died ; and her death was 
in a few days followed by that of her father, the Marquis 
de la Reviere. By their deaths, the young collegian became 
the heir to great wealth, which was entirely at his own con- 
trol. He was, thus early, a favourite at the Court of 
Louis le Grand. He was one of the queen's pages; and 
became a member of the king's regiment of musqueteers, 
{Musquetaires du Roi,\iu which, at the age of fifteen years, 
through the immediate patronage of the queen, he was pro- 
moted to the rank of a commissioned officer, a favour exclu- 
sively reserved for the sons of the most distinguished noble- 
men. His military duties, he states, only interrupted his 
studies on review days ; and at this period he was for a 
short time a resident at the Academy of Versailles. With 
an education thus hastily snatched from the duties and 
temptations of a profligate court, it could not be expected 
that Lafayette should become distinguished for profound 
scholarship. Literary andscientifijck attainments, therefore, 
constitute a small portion of the elements of his fame. _.^-^ 
In April, 1774, Lafayette, then a little more then sixteen 
years of age, was married to the young and interesting 
Countess Anastasie de Noailles, daughter of the duke of 
that name. This marriage is represented to have been in- 
duced by considerations of family interest;, but that it was 
also a marriage of affection,, there is explicit and gratify, 
ing evidence upon record. True, it connected Lafayette 
with a numerous and influential family,, and largely augs. 
mented his fortune, which, after his marriage, produced him 
an annual income of 200.000 francs, about $37,600, per 
annum. But these were petty considerations, compared with 
the treasure he secured in an amiable and virtuous wife — 
a noble- hearted woman, who, in the vicissitudes of his sub*^ 



20 I.IFE OP LAFAYETTITr 

sequent career, participated patiently in his misfortunes^ 
shared his imprisonment, and emulated his virtuous and 
patriotick examples ; and whose fame must be ever identified 
with that of the man with whom her earthly destinies were 
united. 

The possession of wealth, the allurements of the court, 
the flattery of friends and dependents, could not obliterate 
in the bosom of Lafayette, the love of liberty and virtue 
with which he seems to have been early inspired. The 
principle, innate or acquired, must have been deeply and 
strongly rooted which could have withstood such temp- 
tations. 

He represents himself as being illy calculated to obtain- 
the favour of the society in which he moved ; that his habit- 
ual silence, when he did not think the subjects discussing 
worthy of being canvassed ; his observing disposition, sim- 
plicity of manners, and independence of mind, "rendered it 
impossible for him to bend to the graces of the court, or to 
the charms of a supper in the capital." "You ask me, (he 
says,) at what period I first experienced my ardent love of 
liberty and glory ? I recollect no time of life anterior to 
my enthusiasm for anecdotes of glorious deeds, and to my 
projects of travelling over the world to acquire fame. At 
eight years of age, my heart beat when I heard of an hyena 
that had done some injury, and caused still more alarm, in 
our neighbourhood, and the hope of meeting it was the ob- 
ject of all my walks. When I arrived at college, nothing ever 
interrupted my studies, except my ardent wish of studying, 
without restraint. I never deserved to be chastised ; but 
in spite of my usual gentleness, it would have been danger- 
ous to have attempted to do so ; and I recollect with pleas- 
ure that, when I was to describe in rhetorick a perfect courser^ 
I sacrificed the hope of obtaining a premium, and described 
the one who, on perceiving the whip, threw down his rider^ 
Republican anecdotes always delighted me, and when my 
new connexions wished to obtain for me a place at court,. 
I did not hesitate displeasing them to preserve my inde- 
pendence." 

The place here alluded to was one in the household of the 
Count de Provence (afterwards Louis XVIII,) who was> 
rather solicitous on the subject. Lafayette, who never mani- 
fested very great respect for royal blood, took a ludicrous 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 21 

method of silencing these importunities. Having met the 
count at a masquerade ball, he recognized him under his mask ; 
and in a conversation, during which the count endeavoured to 
display his memory to advantage, Lafayette remarked, that 
" it was unnecessary to take so much trouble to prove, that 
memory was the wit of fools." The count afterwards as- 
certaining that Lafayette knew him, nothwithstanding his 
mask, at the time this remark was made, came to the con- 
clusion that the young marquis would not make a very ob- 
sequious follower, and nothing more was said about attach- 
ing him to his person. 

At this period, also, Lafayette was the member of an as- 
sociation of young men, in which the principles of civil 
liberty were disscused. When, therefore, the dawn of the 
American revolution burst upon the astonished eyes of Eu- 
rope, Lafayette was prepared to become its open advocate^ 
as he soon after became its active partisan. 



CHAPTER H. 

Commencement of the American Revolution — Its high character and 
objects — Lafayette among the first to espouse its cause — Origin of 
that intention — Resolves to go to America — Opposition of family 
and friends — Interview with Mr. Deane — Secret preparations — Mr. 
Deane's written stipulation — News of American disasters- — their 
effects — Franklin and Deane dissuade Lafayette — His perseverance 
and confidence — Prepares to purchase and equip a vessel — Opposi- 
tion of the French government — Vigilance of the British envoy — 
evades it — Corresponds with Franklin and Deane — Visit to England 
— Distinguished reception — Openly avows his sentiments — Hastily 
returns to Paris — Prepares to depart for America- — Government in- 
terference — His arrest ordered — Trying crisis— Proceeds in dis- 
guise — Pursued — Recognized by a young girl — His secret kept — • 
Reaches Passage in safety. 

The resistance of the British colonies in America to the 
oppressive acts of the mother country, was the commence- 
ment of a new and important era in the history of nations. 
Governments had been long accustomed to regard the gov- 
erned in the light of dependants, and to tyrannize over them 
with impunity ; and the farther the victims were removed 
from the seat of power, the more inveterate and astringent 



22 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

were the measures of coercion exercised towards them, and 
the more passive and unresisting had they remained. — 
Rebellions were not unfrequent ; but they were the outbreaks 
of passion, rather than the offspring of virtuous indignation ; 
and the offenders were speedily scourged back to subservien- 
cy or despair. Revolutions there were ; but they aimed not 
at the subversion of unjust power — they sought and accom- 
plished only the exchange of one tyrant, or set of tyrants, 
for another. The American revolution first presented to 
the world the sublime spectacle of a virtuous people fearless- 
ly contending for virtuous principles. The inalienable 
rights of man, were clearly and boldly defined. Liberty 
was proclaimed in reason, and not in licentiousness. The 
olive branch and the sword were both held out by the op- 
pressed to their oppressers ; and a declaration to meet death 
rather than submit to slavery, was sealed with the sacrifice 
of blood. An effort so bold and daring, and yet so just, was 
well calculated to excite the apprehension of despots, the 
sympathy of the virtuous, and the admiration of all men. 

Lafayette was among the first in Europe to espouse the 
cause of the Americans. He waited not to calculate or to 
ascertain their chances of success. "When I first learnt 
the subject of this quarrel, (says he,) my heart espoused 
warmly the cause of liberty, and I thought of nothing but of 
adding also the aid of my banner," His design of going to 
America, and offering his personal services in the army, is 
stated by Mr. Sparks, who doubtless derived the fact from 
Lafayette himself, to have originated in the following 
manner : 

" In the summer of 1776, (says Mr. Sparks, The Writings 
of Washington, Vol. V, Appendix No. 1, p. 445,) M. de La- 
fayette was stationed on military duty at Metz, being then 
an officer in the French army. It happened at this time 
that the Duke of Gloucester, brother to the King of Eng- 
land, was at Metz, and a dinner was given to him by the 
commandant of that place. Several officers were invited, 
and among others Lafayette. Despatches had just been 
received by the duke from England, and he made their con- 
tents the topick of conversation ; they related to American 
affairs, the recent declaration of independence, the resist- 
ance of the colonists, and the strong measures adopted by 
the ministry to crush the rebellion. 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE, 23 

« The details were new to Lafayette ; he listened with 
eagerness to the conversation, and prolonged it by asking 
questions of the duke. His curiosity was deeply excited 
by what he heard, and the idea of a people fighting for lib- 
erty had a strong influence upon his imagination ; the cause 
seemed to him just and noble, from the representations of 
the duke himself ; and before he left the table, the thought 
came into his head that he would go to America, and offer 
his services to a people who where struggling for freedom 
and independence. From that hour he could think of noth- 
ing but this chivalrous enterprise. He resolved to return 
to Paris and make further inquiries." 

To his determination thus formed, Lafayette had reason 
to apprehend the opposition of his family and friends. His 
inquiries and preparations were therefore made with the ut- 
most secrecy. Among those to whom he confided his inten- 
tions, was his relative the Count de Broglie, and M. du Bois- 
martin, secretary to the count. The latter person at once 
approved of his conduct, and afterwards rendered him im- 
portant assistance. The count, however, used every argu- 
ment to dissuade him from this enterprise. " I have seen," 
said he, " your uncle die in the wars of Italy ; I witnessed 
your father's death at the battle of Minden ; and I will not 
be accessary to the ruin of the only remaining branch of 
the family." But, contrary to the authority of Mr. Sparks, 
Lafayette himself says, that the count's "affectionate 
heart, when all his efforts to turn me from this project had 
proved vain, entered into my views with even paternal ten- 
derness." 

Mr. Silas Deane was at this time in Paris, commissioned 
to act, with rather indefinite authority, by the American 
Congress. The French government feared and refused to 
recognize him in any official capacity. Through the Ba- 
ron de Kalb, with whom a sympathy of feelings and design 
had brought him acquainted, Lafayette was introduced to 
Mr. Deane. " When," says he, " I presented to Mr. Deane 
my boyish face, (for I was scarcely nineteen years of age,) I 
spoke more of my ardour in the cause than of my experience ; 
but I dwelt much upon the effect my departure would excite 
in France, and he signed our mutual agreement. The 
secrecy (he adds) with which this negotiation and my pre- 
parations were made, appears almost a miracle : family, 



24 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

friends, ministers, French spies and English spies, all were 
kept completely in the dark as to ray intentions." 

The written stipulation, signed by Mr. Deane, so credita- 
ble to both parties, and so highly important, as the first 
step in securing the services of Lafayette, and eventually the 
alliance of the French government, to the American cause, 
was in the following words : 

' The desire, which the Marquis de Lafayette shows of serving 
among the troops of the United States of North America, and the in- 
terest which he takes in the justice of their cause, make him wish to 
distinguish himself in this war, and to render himself as useful as he 
possibly can. But not thinking that he can obtain leave of his fam- 
ily to pass the seas and to serve in a foreign country, till he can go 
as a general officer, I have thought I could not better serve my coun>H 
try, and those who have intrusted me, than by granting to him, in 
the name of the very honourable Congress, the rank of Major-Oeneral, 
which I beg the states to confirm and ratify to him, and to deliver him 
the commission to hold and take rank from this day with the general 
officers of the same degree. His high birth, his alliances, the great 
dignities which his family holds at this court, his considerable estates 
in this realm, his personal merit, his reputation, his disinterestedness, 
and above all, his zeal for the liberty of our provinces are such, as to 
induce me alone to promise him the rank of Major-General, in the 
name of the United States. In witness of which, I have signed the 
|)resent this 7th day of December, 1776. 

Silas Peane.' 

Preparations were making to despatch a vessel to Amer- 
ica, with arms and other military supplies for the army, in 
'which Lafayette was to take passage. But news, disastrous 
to the American cause, put a stop to these preparations. 
The American army had been obliged to evacuate Long Isl- 
and, and the city of New York. Fort Washington had been 
surrendered to the British forces ; and the brave band of 
American heroes were compelled to retreat across the Jer- 
seys, amidst intense privations and sufferings, before the vic- 
torious forces of British and Hessians. The last hope of 
Liberty appeared about to be extinguished. At least such 
was the general impression in France. To obtain a vessel, 
or to raise money, had become impossible. Doct. Franklin 
and Arthur Lee, who had become associated with Mr. Deane, 
with more ample and definite powers, now united in per- 
suading Lafayette to abandon his project. But the young 
hero was not to be dissuaded from his patriotick and glori- 
•©us purpose. The kindred spirits of Washington and Lafay- 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 25 

ette, though separated by a wide ocean, sympathised in this 
dark hour. Their bosoms swelled with the love of liberty, 
and their courage rose under the pressure oFadverse circum- 
stances. They despaired not of the American cause, but 
simultaneously expressed a confidence in its ultimate tri- 
umph. " I called," says Lafayette, " upon Mr. Deane, and 
I thanked him for his frankness. ' Until now, sir,' said I, 
* you have only seen my ardour in your cause, and that may 
not prove at present wholly useless. I shall purchase a 
ship to carry out your officers ; we must feel confidence in 
the future, and it is especially in the hoar of danger that I 
wish to share your fortune." 

This noble and generous proposition was of course acce- 
ded to by the American commissioners ; and Lafayette im- 
mediately took measures to raise the money and to purchase 
and arm a vessel, entirely at his own expense. It was ne- 
cessary, hovv^ever, to preserve the utmost secrecy in these 
operations. The French government was less inclined than 
ever to compromise itself with England, by appearing to aid 
or countenance her revolted colonies ; and the British minis^ 
ter at the French court, kept a vigilant eye, not only upon 
the government itself, but upon the movements of the Amer- 
ican commissioners and all those who were supposed to be 
friendly to the American cause. Lafayette had contempla- 
ted a journey to England, in company with the Prince de 
Poix. The French government, for di plomatick reasons, 
had encouraged this visit. The time, partially fixed upon 
for it, was at hand. Lest his refusal should excite suspi- 
cions, and the better to conceal the preparations that were 
making to repair and equip his vesfsel destined for America, 
he deemed it expedient to comply with the engagement. 
The expediency of the movement was also concurred in by 
Doct. Franklin and Mr. Deane, whom, at that time, Lafay- 
ette did not venture to visit at their residence, but with 
whom, he says, " he corresponded, through M. Carmichael, 
an American less generally known," 

On arriving in London with his companion, Lafayette, 
true to the feelings of his heart, as he himself states, ^^Jirst 
paid his respects to Bancroft, the American, and afterwards 
to his British majesty." The youno; visiters, being of no- 
ble blood, were treated with great distinction, by the titled 
partisans of the English ministry. For this treatment^ 

3 



26 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

they were doubtless as much indebted to diplomatick consid- 
erations as to the spirit of EngUsh hospitality. It was an 
object, at that crisis, to keep up at least the appearance of 
amicable relations between the two governments. Lafay- 
ette, therefore, accepted of these civilities, " dancing at the 
house of Lord Germain, minister for the Enghsh colonies, 
and at the house of Lord Rawdon, Vv'ho had just returned from 
New York, and seeing at the opera that Clinton whom he 
was afterwards to meet at Monmouth." But he disavows 
all duplicity of action or design. " Whilst I concealed my 
intentions" (as to going to America, he says,) "I openly 
avowed my sentiments; I often defended the Americans; I 
rejoiced at their success at Trenton ; and my spirit of oppo- 
sition obtained for me an invitation to breakfast with Lord 
Shelbourne. I refused the offers made me to visit the sea- 
ports, the vessels fitting out against the rebels, and every- 
thing that might be construed into an abuse of confidence. 
At the end of three weeks, when it became necessary for me 
to return home, whilst refusing my uncle, the ambassador, 
to accompany him to court, I confided to him my strong 
desire to take a trip to Paris. He proposed saying that I 
was ill during my absence. I should not have made use of 
this stratagem myself, but I did not object to his doing so." 
Anxious to depart for America, Lafayette thus cut short 
his visit in England, in a manner which must have appear- 
ed abrupt. On arriving at Paris, he went directly to the 
house of M. De Kalb ; concealed himself for three days at 
Chaillot, saw a few of his friends and some Americans, and 
set out for Bordeaux, where his vessel, secretly purchased 
in his behalf, by his friend Duboismartin, had been undergo- 
ing repairs. An unexpected delay here occurred, the vessel 
not being ready for sea. He availed himself of this delay 
to despatch a messenger to Paris for intelligence. By the 
return of this messenger, he learned that his intentions had 
become known at Versailles, and that an order by the king 
for his arrest, was already on the road. He therefore set 
sail immediately for Passage, a Spanish port, where he in- 
tended to complete his arrangements. Here the orders from 
his sovereign and the communications from his friends, over- 
took him. *' The letters," he says, " from my family, were 
extremely violent, and those from the government were pe- 
remptory ; I was forbidden to proceed to the American conti- 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 27 

nent under the penalty of disobedience ; I was enjoined to re- 
pair instantly to Marseilles, and await their further orders." 

This was a trying crisis for the young patriot. Hi& 
courage, his sincerity and his fidelity, were severely tested. 
Had his espousal of the cause of liberty been but a roman- 
tick impulse, sufficient time had elapsed for his ardour to 
cool. Were pretexts wanting for an abandonment of the 
enterprise ; — abundant, and weighty ones, were furnished, 
to justify such a course, without impeaching his valour, his 
good faith, or his honour. It was, for one in his station, no 
slight affair to disobey the orders of his sovereign. The 
confidence of a despotick monarch and a proud aristocracy 
might be withdrawn from him ; his immense estates, now 
under his own control, confiscated ; the affections of family 
and kindred forfeited for ever ; and the proud champion of 
America, instead of exercising a boundless influence and ex- 
'haustless resources in the cause he had espoused, might 
become an exile and an outlaw in the land where liberty as 
yet maintained a doubtful contest. There were considera- 
tions, yet more powerful. There was " a tie that boundi 
him " to his country, stronger than all these. He had a 
young wife whom he most tenderly loved. He had, for the 
purpose of sparing her feelings and his own, departed with- 
out taking personal leave. She was in that delicate situa. 
tion which demands and excites the tenderest sympathies, 
of a husband. She had expressed her grief, in common 
with his other connexions, on his design to depart for Amer- 
ica being known. This, he declares, had more effect upon 
him, than the threatened anathema, the laws of the state, 
and the power and displeasure of the government. 

But the firmness of Lafayette was not to be shaken amidst 
these trials. It is well for the independence of America that 
it was so : for without the aid of France, the munitions, the 
soldiers, and the fleets she sent us, induced by the example 
and solicitations of Lafayette, our brave armies might have 
struggled in vain. It was necessary for him, however, to 
yield a tacit obedience, for the purpose of expostulating 
with power, and seeking a more fav^ourable opportunity for 
a final departure. He returned to Bordeaux, and entered 
into a correspondence with the ministers, justifying his con- 
duct, and soliciting leave to pursue his intentions. No di- 
rect answer being returned to these solicitations, he wrote 



28 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

to M, de Maurepas, that he considered this silence of the 
government as " a tacit consent." He learned, however, 
through a confidential person sent to M. de Coigny, that 
there were no hopes of attaining the permission he wished 
for. Under the pretence of repairing to Marseilles, where 
he had received an order to join his father-in-law, who was 
going into Italy, Lafayette set off in a postchaise with an 
officer named Maurey, who was desirous of going to America. 
Soon after leaving Bordeaux, he disguised himself as a cou- 
rier, and mounted on horseback. The carriage taking th© 
road to Bayonne, Lafayette rode forward to procure relays 
of horses. At Bayonne, they stopped for two or three hours; 
and while Maurey transacted some requisite business, La- 
fayette lay on some straw in the stable. Pursuing their 
journey, Lafayette still in the character and costume of a 
courier, he was recognized at a little village called St. Jean 
de Luz, while calling for horses, by a young girl, a daugh- 
ter of the postmaster. She had noticed him a few daya 
previous, while on his way from Passage to Bordeaux. He 
made a sign to her to keep silent. The young girl under- 
stood the signal, and observed it faithfully. When his pur- 
suers came up, she answered to their inquiries, that a car- 
riage had passed, but it contained no such person as they 
inquired for. This adroit answer turned away pursuit, and 
Lafayette reached his vessel at Passage in safety. 



CHAPTER HI. 

Sails for America — ^Voyage — Difficulties with the captain — Study and 
employment — Letters to Madame Lafayette — Prophetick senti- 
ments — Arrives at Georgetown, S. C. — Lands on the American 
shore — Swears to conquer or perish in the cause — At the house of 
Major Huger — First impressions — Reception at Charleston — Letter 
from thence — Journey by land to Philadelphia. 

The same day that he rejoined his vessel at Passage, the 
26th of April, 1777, Lafayette set sail for America. He 
was accompanied by the Baron de Kalb, and eleven other 
officers of different ranks, who designed, with him, to join 
the American standard. The vessel in which they em- 
barkedj is described as a heavy ship;, with two bad cannon 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 29 

and a few guns, and illy fitted for resistance, even against a 
small privateer. It was Lafayette's determination, however, 
not to be taken ; and he concerted measures with a brave 
Dutchman on board, named Bedaulx, to blow up the vessel, 
rather than surrender, in case of attack. The ship's pa- 
pers had been taken out for the French West India islands. 
The captain was reluctant to depart from this avowed des- 
tination ; or at least without touching at the islands, the 
usual course then pursued by French vessels bound for 
America ; and it was not until Lafayette, after expostulate 
ing with him, claiming the control of his own property, and 
threatening to deprive him of command, and give it to the 
mate, that the captain consented to steer directly for the 
American coast. Lafayette afterwards ascertained, that 
the captain's reluctance to comply, arose from his having 
goods in the ship to the value of eight thousand dollars ; and 
although the goods had been put on board without his au- 
thority, Lafayette generously guaranteed their safety to the 
captain. It was fortunate that the direct course to Amer- 
ica was pursued ;. for the French government had despatch- 
ed orders to the West India islands to stop Lafayette, should 
his vessel touch there in its passage. 

Lafayette, in the commencement of the voyage, experi- 
enced severe sea sickness. When he recovered from the ef- 
fects of it, he employed himself in studying the English 
language, and military tacticks. Nor did he neglect the- 
duties of affection. In a letter addressed to his wife, dated 
"on board the Victory, May 30th, 1777," he says :— 

" How many fears and anxieties enhance the keen an- 
guish I feel at being separated from all that I love most 
fondly in the world ! How have you borne my second de- 
parture ? Have you loved me less I Have you pardoned[ 
me 1 Have you reflected that, at all events, I must equally 
have been parted from you — wandering about in Italy, drag- 
ging on an inglorious life, surrounded by the persons most 
opposed to my projects and to my manner of thinking ? 
All these reflections, did not prevent my experiencing the 
most bitter grief when the moment arrived for quitting my 
native shore. Your sorrow, that of my friends, Henrietta, 
all rushed upon my thoughts, and my heart was torn by a 
thousand painful feelings. I could not at that instant find 
any excuse for my own conduct. If you could know aii 

a* 



30 Life of LArAYETTS.. 

that I have suffered, and the melancholy days that I haT® 
passed, whilst thus flying from all that I love best in the 
world ! Must I join to this affliction the grief of hearing 
that you do not pardon me ? 1 should in truth, my love, be 
too unhappy." 

Under date of June 7th, he adds :• — 

" 1 am still floating upon this dreary plain, the most wea» 
risome of all human habitations. To console myself a lit- 
tle, I think of you and of my friends. I think of the pleas- 
ure of seeing you again. How delightful will be the moment 
of my arrival ! I shall hasten to surprise and embrace you, 
I shall perhaps find you with your children. To think, only, 
of that happy moment, is an inexpressible pleasure to me ;. 
do not fancy that it is distant ; although the time of my ab- 
sence will appear, I own, very long to me, yet we shall 
meet sooner than you can expect. Whilst defending the 
liberty I adorcy 1 shall enjoy perfect freedom myself; I but 
offer my service to that interesting republick from motives 
of the purest kind, unmixed with ambition or private views ;. 
her happiness and my glory are my only incentives to the 
task. I hope that, for my sake, you will become a good 
American, for that feeling is worthy of every noble heart* 
The happiness of America is intimately connected with the 
happiness of all mankind. She will become the safe and 
respected asylum of virtue^ integrity, toleration, equalityj, 
and tranquil happiness." 

How patriotick, how just, and how prophetick, were the 
closing sentences which we have quoted from this affection -- 
ate letter ! Let not the reader cavil at the terms of endear- 
ment which are indulged by the writer, in the foregoing and 
other letters which we shall find occasion to copy. Let it 
be realized, that they are the tributes of a youthful husbandj. 
to a young and lovely and beloved wife, from whom he is 
separated by a wide expanse of waters, which could not at 
that day be crossed without a long, tedious, and hazardous^ 
passage. What a wonderful revolution has since been 
wrought, by the science of navigation and the magick pow° 
er of steam ! 

In a postscript to the same letter, dated June 15th, he in- 
forms Madame Lafayette of his safe arrival in perfect health 
at the house of Major Huger, in Georgetown, South Caro- 
lina j — that he should set out the same evening for Charles- 



LIFE OF LA FAYETTE. 31 

ton, from whence he should repair by land to Philadelphia, 
to join the army. His first impressions of the country, as 
being highly favourable, were indicated. "The manners in 
this part of the world, (he says,) are simple, polite, and wor- 
thy in every respect of the country in which the noble name 
of liberty is constantly repeated." 

It was after a perilous voyage of seven weeks, having 
been alarmed by a privateer, which proved to be American, 
and providentially escaped the vigilance of two British 
cruisers which were on the coast, that Lafayette and his 
companions reached the American shore, near Georgetown, 
South Carolina. " Ascending (he asserts in his Memoirs) 
the river in a canoe, his foot touched at length the American 
shore, and he swore that he would conquer or perish in 
that cause. Landing at midnight at Major Huger's house, 
he found a vessel sailing for France, which appeared only 
waiting for his letters." 

" When they landed, (says Mr. Sparks,) a distant light 
served to guide them. As they approached the house from 
whence it issued, the dogs barked^ and the people took them 
for a band of marauders landing from an enemy's ship. 
They were asked who they were, and what they wanteds 
Baron Kalb replied, and all suspicions vanished. The next 
morning the weather was beautiful. The novelty of all 
that surrounded him — the room, the bed covered with mos- 
cheto nets, the black servants who came to ask his com- 
mands, the beauty and foreign aspect of the country v^^hich 
he beheld from his windows, and which was covered by a 
rich vegetation, all united to produce on M, de Lafayette a 
magical effect, and excite in him a variety of inexpressible 
sensations." 

Provided with horses by Major Huger, Lafayette and; 
several of his companions repaired directly to Charleston. 
Others remained in the vessel, which also proceeded to 
Charleston harbour. Fortune, as well as its illustrious' 
owner, here forsook it ; and soon after, on its departure for 
France, laden with rice, it struck upon the bar, and the ves- 
sel and cargo were entirely lost. At Charleston, the re- 
ception of Lafayette was cordial and satisfactory. He vis- 
ited the fortifications in company with Generals Gadsden 
and Moultrie. Thatcher states, that on this occasion, charm- 
ed with the gallant defence of the fort on Sullivan's Island,. 



32 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

which had been conducted by Gen. Moultrie the year pre- 
vious, Lafayette presented him with clothing, arms, and 
accoutrements for one hundred men. "This beautiful city^ 
(says Lafayette,) is worthy of its inhabitants, and every 
thing there announced not only comfort, but even luxury." 
But the following extracts from a letter to Madame de La- 
fayette, dated at Charleston, June 19th, describes his recep- 
tion, feelings, and the incidents which occurred previous to 
his leaving that city : 

" I landed after having sailed for several days along a 
coast swarming with hostile vessels. On my arrival here 
every one told me that my ship must undoubtedly be taken^ 
because two English frigates had blockaded the harbour. I 
even sent, both by land and sea, orders to the captain to 
put the men on shore, and burn the vessel, if he had still the 
power of doing so. Well! by a most extraordinary piece 
of good fortune, a sudden gale of wind having blown away 
the frigates for a short time, my vessel arrived at noon-day,. 
without having encountered friend or foe. At Charles- 
ton I have met with General Howe, a general officer, 
now engaged in service. The governour of the state is ex- 
pected this evening from the country. All the persons 
with whom I wished to be acquainted have shown me the 
greatest attention and politeness (not European politeness 
merely) ; I can only feel gratitude for the reception I have 
met with, although I have not yet thought proper to enter 
into any detail respecting my future prospects and arrange- 
ments. I wish to see the congress first. I hope to set out 
in two days for Philadelphia, which is a land journey of 
more than two hundred and fifty leagues. We shall divide 
into small parties ; I have already purchased horses and; 
light carriages for this purpose. 

" I shall now speak to you, my love, about the country 
and its inhabitants, who are as agreeable as my enthusiasm 
had led me to imagine. Simplicity of manner, kindness 
of heart, love of country and of liberty, and a delightful 
state of equality, are met with universally. The richest 
and the poorest man are completely on a level ; and al- 
though there are some immense fortunes in this country, I 
may challenge any one to point out the slightest difference 
in their respective manner towards each other. I first saw 
and judged of a country life at Major Huger's house : I ans 



LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. 33 

at present in the city, where every thing somewhat resem- 
bles the English customs, except that you find more simpli- 
city here than you would do in England. Charleston is 
one of the best built, handsomest, and most agreeable cities 
that I have ever seen. The American women are very 
pretty, and have great simplicity of character ; and the 
extreme neatness of their appearance is truly delightful t 
cleanliness is everywhere even more studiously attended to 
here than in England. What gives me most pleasure 
is to see how completely the citizens are all brethren of 
one family. In America there are none poor, and none 
even that can be called peasants. Each citizen has some 
property, and all citizens have the same rights as the rich- 
est inc'ividual, or landed proprietor, in the country. The 
inns are very different from those of Europe ; the host and 
hostess sit at the table with you, and do the honours of a 
comfortable meal ; and when you depart, you pay your 
bill without being obliged to tax it. If you should dislike 
going to inns, you may always find country houses in which 
you will be received, as a good American, with the same at- 
tention that you might expect in a friend's house in Europe. 

" My own reception has been most peculiarly agreeable. 
To have been merely my travelling companion, suffkes 
to secure the kindest welcome. I have just passed five 
hours at a large dinner given in compliment to me by an 
individual of this town. Generals Howe and Moultrie, and 
several officers of my suite, were present. We drank each 
other's health, and endeavoured to talk English, which I arai 
beginning to speak a little. I shall pay a visit to-morrow, 
with these gentlemen, to the governour of the state, and make 
the last arrangements for my departure. The next day the 
commanding officers here will take me to see the town and 
its environs, and I shall then set out to join the army. 

" From the agreeable life I lead in this country, from the 
sympathy which makes me feel as much at ease with the in- 
habitants as if I had known them twenty years, the simi- 
larity between their manner of thinking and of my own, my 
love of glory and of liberty, you might imagine that I am 
very happy : but you are not with me, my dearest love ; 
my friends are not with me ; and there is no happiness for 
me when far from you and them. 1 often ask you if you 
Btill love, but I put that question still more often to myself^ 



34 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

and my heart ever answers, yes ; I trust that my heart 
does not deceive me. I am inexpressibly anxious to hear 
from you ; I hope to find some letters at Philadelphia. My 
only fear is that the privateer which was to bring them 
to me should have been captured on her way. Al- 
though I can easily imagine that I have excited the es- 
pecial displeasure of the English, by taking the liberty of 
coming hither in spite of them, and landing before their ve- 
ry face, yet I must confess that we shall be even more than 
on a par if they succeed in catching that vessel, the object 
of my fondest hopes, by which I am expecting to receive 
your letters. I entreat you to send me both long and fre- 
quent letters. You are not sufficiently conscious of the joy 
with which I shall receive them. Embrace, most tenderly, 
my Henriette : may I add, embrace our children ? The 
father of those poor children is a wanderer, but he is, nev- 
ertheless a good, honest man, — a good father, warmly at- 
tached to his family, and a good husband also, for he loves 
his wife most tenderly. The night is far advanced, the 
heat intense, and T am devoured by gnats ; but the best 
countries, as you perceive, have their inconveniences. 
Adieu, my love, adieu." 

Agreeably to arrangements, Lafayette, accompanied by 
six other officers, set out by land for Philadelphia. At that 
period, from unfavourable weather, the newness and bad 
state of the roads, and to strangers to the country and its 
mode of travelling, it was an arduous journey. The pro- 
gress of the travellers is stated in a letter from Lafayette to 
his wife, dated at Petersburgh, July 17th, 1777. 

" I am now, (he says,) eight days' journey from Philadel- 
phia, in the beautiful state of Virginia, All fatigue is over, 
and I fear that my martial labours will be very light, if it 
be true that General Howe has left New York, to go I know 
not whither. But all the accounts I receive are so uncer- 
tain, that I cannot form any fixed opinion until I reach my 

'* You must have learnt the particulars of the commence- 
ment of my journey ; you know that I set out in a brilliant 
manner in a carriage, and I must now tell you that we are 
all on horseback, — having broken the carriage, according 
to my usual praisworthy custom,-— and I hope soon to write 
to you that we have arrived on foot. The journey is some- 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 35 

what fatiguing ; but although several of my comrades have 
suffered a great deal, I have scarcely myself been conscious 
of fatigue. The captain who takes charge of this letter 
will, perhaps, pay you a visit. I beg you in that case, to 
receive him with great kindness. ******* 

" The farther I advance to the north, the better pleased 
am I with the country and its inhabitants. There is no 
attention or kindness that I do not receive, although many 
scarcely know who I am. But I will write all this to you 
more in detail from Philadelphia." 



CHAPTER IV. 

Lafayette arrives in Philadelphia — State of affairs — Anxiety for em= 
ployment — Applies to Congress — Embarrassing circumstances- 
Cool reception — Offers to serve at his own expense, and as a volun- 
teer — Accepted by Congress — Commission as Major-General — - 
Lafayette's first interview with Gen. Washington — His arrival at 
the American camp — His description of the army — Anxious for an 
active command — Embarrassment of Gen. Washington. 

After a fatiguing journey of one month, having rode 
nearly nine hundred miles on horseback, Lafayette at length 
reached Philadelphia, where the American Congress was 
assembled. The period of his arrival was apparently propi- 
tious to his patriotick design, and ardent wishes for imme* 
diate employment. The disasters of the previous campaign 
had been in a measure retrieved ; but perils existed and dan- 
gers threatened to an eminent degree. We have said that the 
kindred spirits of Washington and Lafayette, though separa» 
ted by a wide ocean, sympathised in that dark hour. They 
mutually retained confidence in the final triumph of the 
American arms. When asked, after the retreat through 
New Jersey, what he would do if Philadelphia should be 
taken, Washington is reported to have said, " We will retreat 
beyond the Susquehannah river ; and thence, if necessary, to 
the Allegany mountains." "Knowing, as he did, (says 
Mr. Sparks.) the temper of the people, the deep-rooted 
cause of the controversy, and the actual resources of the 
confederacy, he was not disheartened by temporary misfor- 
tunes, being pursuaded that perseverence would at last 



36 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

overcome every obstacle." Endowed by Congress with 
extraordinary powers, he employed them promptly, energeti- 
cally, and successfully, to increase the numerical force and 
military resources of the army. He recrossed the Dela- 
ware, defeated the British and Hessian forces at Trenton, 
recovered the possession of New Jersey, and encamped 
for the winter of 1776-7 at Morristown. Late in the 
spring of 1777, Philadelphia being threatened by the Brit- 
ish forces, by land and water, Washington marched his 
army to Germantown, prepared to act at a moment's 
warning, where it was at the time of Lafayette's arrival. 

Anxious to unite himself to the cause, Lafayette, imme- 
diately after reaching Philadelphia, placed his letters, and 
his stipulation with Mr. Deane, in the hands of Mr. Lovell, 
Chairman of the Committee of Foreign Affairs. But un- 
expected obstacles were opposed to his ardent expectations. 
So great a number of foreigners, many of them importu- 
nate and needy adventurers, had applied for employment and 
stations in the army, that Congress was embarrassed, and 
almost determined to listen to no further applications of the 
kind. " The coldness with which Lafayette was received," 
he himself remarks, " might have been taken for a dismissal." 
When he repaired next day to Congress, Mr. Lovell came 
out and told him, that, for the reasons we have mentioned 
above, there was but little hope of his request being acceded 
to. The youth and inexperience of Lafayette might have had 
some influence in occasioning the coolness of his first recep- 
tion. But on no grounds, after the sacrifices he had made, 
could it be justified. Nothing daunted by it, however, and 
suspecting that his letters had not been read, he immediate- 
ly penned the following note, with which he desired Mr. 
Lovell to return and present it to Congress : 

"After the sacrifices I have made, I have the right to 
exact two favours : one is, to serve at my own expense-— 
the other is, to serve at first as volunteer." 

A proposition so generous and magnanimous, awakened 
Congress to a sense of its author's worth, to the prospect of 
his usefulness, and to the obligations thus imposed upon 
them to exhibit a corresponding degree of confidence and 
liberality. Promptly, therefore, on the 31st July, 1777, the 
following preamble and resolution were adopted : 

" Whereas, the Marquis de Lafayette, out of his great zeal 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 37 

in the cause of liberty, in which the United States are en« 
gaged, has left his family and connexions, and, at his own 
expense, come over to offer his service to the United States, 
without pension or particular allowance, and is anxious to 
risk his life in our cause : 

'^Resohedf That his service be accepted, and that in con- 
sideration of his zeal, illustrious family and connexions, he 
have the rank and commission of a Major-Genera! in the 
army of the United States." 

This rank and commission, however, was as yet but a bar- 
ren title. It was clothed with no corresponding command. 
But, while Congress exercised no more than ordinary pru- 
dence in withholding an immediate command from one so 
young and as yet untried, they, in this publick declaration, 
accepted in a delicate and honourable mode the services of 
Lafayette, and conferred the proud rank of a Major-General 
in the American army upon an embryo hero, who had not 
reached the age of twenty years ! 

The day following this event, August 1st, 1777, Lafayette 
had his first interview with the Commander-in-chief, with 
whose services and fame he was destined to be so closely 
identified. On the 31st of July, Gen. Washington had re* 
ceived information that the enemy's fleet, with the army of 
Lord Howe on board, the eccentrick movements of which 
at that time caused so much embarrassment as to its con- 
templated point of attack, had arrived at the Capes of Dela- 
ware. He immediately gave orders for the several divisions 
of the American army to march upon Philadelphia, and he 
himself repaired to that city for the purpose of procuring 
intelligence, and arranging for the defence of the city. It 
was at a dinner party that Lafayette was first introduced 
to General Washington. "Although, (says Lafayette,) he 
was surrounded by ofKcers and citizens, it was impossible 
to mistake for a moment his majestick figure and deport- 
ment ; nor was he less distinguished by the noble affability 
of his manners." " When the company were about to sepa- 
arate^" says Mr. Sparks, " Washington took Lafayette aside, 
spoke to him very kindly, complimented him upon the no- 
ble spirit he had shown and the sacrifices he had made in 
favour of the American cause, and then told him, that he 
should be pleased if he would make the quarters of the Com- 
mander-in-chief his home, establish himself there whenever 

4 



38 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

he thought proper, and consider himself at all times as one 
of his family ; adding, in a tone of pleasantry, that he could 
not promise him the luxuries of a court, or even the conve- 
niences which his former habits might have rendered es- 
sential to his comfort ; but, since he had become an Ameri- 
can soldier, he would doubtless contrive to accommodate 
himself to the character he had assumed, and submit with 
a good grace to the customs, manners, and privations of the 
republican army." 

From this moment the bond of friendship was sealed be- 
tween these heroes, which was to cement them throughout 
their lives in the cause of liberty and philanthropy, and to 
connect their names and virtues in the memory of mankind 
for ever. 

On the day that Lafayette arrived at the American camp, 
to take up his quarters in the military family of Washing- 
ton, there was a review of the troops by the General. To 
the eye of Lafayette, accustomed to view the well disci- 
plined, well fed, and well uniformed troops of Europe, this 
first introduction to that army upon which hung the desti- 
nies of a nation which was to rival the old world, was novel 
and interesting. It is thus described, in his own language: 

" About eleven thousand men, ill armed and still worse 
clothed, presented a strange spectacle to the eye of the young 
Frenchman : their clothes were party-coloured, and many 
of them were almost naked; the best clad wore hunting 
shirts, large gray linen coats, which were much used in 
Carolina. As to their military tacticks, it will be sufficient 
to say that, for a regiment ranged in order of battle to move 
forward on the right of its line, it was necessary for the 
left to make a continued countermarch. They were always 
arranged in two lines, the smallest men in the first line ; no 
other distinction as to height was ever observed. In spite 
of these disadvantages, the soldiers were fine, and the officers 
zealous ; virtue stood in the place of science, and each day 
added both to experience and discipline. Lord Stirling, 
more courageous than judicious, another general who was 
often intoxicated, and Greene, whose talents were only 
then known to his immediate friends, commanded as majors- 
general. General Knox, who had changed the profession 
of bookseller to that of artillery officer, was there also, and 
had himself formed other officers, and created an artillery. 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 30 

« We must feel embarrassed,' said General Washington, on 
his arrival, * to exhibit ourselves before an officer who has 
just quitted French troops.' * It is to learn and not to teach 
that I came hither,' replied M. de Lafayette." 

The ardour of Lafayette was by no means diminished, 
by his intercourse with the army, and he was anxious for 
an active command. Gen. Washington was thereby much 
embarrassed. He wrote to Mr. Harrison, a member from 
Virginia, (19th August, 1777,) for the views of Congress on 
the subject. " If I did not (he says) misunderstand what 
you or some other member of Congress said to me, respect- 
ing the appointment of the Marquis de Lafayette, he has 
misconceived the design of his appointment, or Congress 
did not understand the extent of his views ; for certain it 
is, that I understood him, that he does not conceive his 
commission is merely honorary, but given with a view to 
command a division of the army. It is true, he has said, 
that he is young and inexperienced, but at the same time 
has always accompanied it with a hint, that so soon as I 
shall think him fit for the command of a division, he shall 
be ready to enter upon the duties of it, and in the mean time 
has offered his services for a smaller command." The 
marquis had also applied to Gen. Washington for commis- 
sions for his two aids-de-camp. " This difficulty, (says the 
general) with the numberless applications for employment 
by foreigners, under their respective appointments, adds no 
small embarrassment to a command, which, without it, is 
abundantly perplexed by the different tempers I have to do 
with, and different modes which the respective states have 
pursued in nominating and arranging their officers ; the 
combination of all which is but a too just representation of 
a great chaos, from whence we are endeavouring, how suc- 
cessfully time only can show, to draw some regularity and 
order." 

Mr. Harrison replied to him, that Congress considered 
the appointment of the Marquis de Lafayette as honorary 
only, unaccompanied with any pledge, and that Gen. Wash- 
ington was not bound by the tenour of his commission to give 
him a command, but was at liberty to follow his own judge- 
ment in this respect. But the progress of events soon dis- 
sipated these embarrassments ; opened the way of promo- 
tion to Lafayette, and proved him as willing to obey, and 
as able as he was ready to command, in the cause of liberty. 



40 LIFE OF LAFA¥ETTE. 



CHAPTER Y. 

The Crisis — Sufferings of the army — Events and movements — Arri- 
val of the enemy's fleet — March of the army — Battle of Brandy, 
vt^ine — Lafayette wounded — His account of the battle — Is con- 
veyed to Bethlehem — Employment there — Domestick correspond- 
ence—Zeal, correspondence and projects, in behalf of America — 
Movements of the armies — Battle of Germantown — Minor opera- 
tions — Red Bank — Death of Count Donop — Fort Mifflin — Major 
Fleury. 

It was a crisis truly trying to the Commander-in-chief, 
and critical for the American cause. In a letter to his 
brother, dated at Germantown, 5th August, 1777, General 
"Washington said 2 "Since Gen. Howe removed from the 
Jerseys, the troops under my command have been more 
harassed by marching and countermarching, than by any 
other thing that has happened to them in the course of the 
campaign. After he had embarked his troops, the presump- 
tion that he would operate upon the North River, to form a 
junction with General Burgoyne, was so strong, that I re- 
moved from Middlebrook to Morristown, and from Morris- 
town to the Clove, a narrow passage leading through the 
Highlands, about eighteen miles from the river. Indeed, 
upon some pretty strong presumptive evidence, I threw two 
battalions over the North River. In this situation we lay 
til! about the 24th ultimo, when receiving certain informa- 
tion, that the fleet had actually sailed from Sandy Hook, 
and upon the concurring sentiment of every one, though I 
acknowledge my doubts of it were very strong, that Phila- 
delphia was the object, we countermarched and got to Co- 
ryell's ferry on the Delav/are, about thirty-three miles above 
the city, on the 27th, where I lay until I received informa- 
tion from Congress, that the enemy were actually at the 
Capes of the Delaware. This brought us in great haste to 
this place, for the defence €>f the city. But in less than 
twenty-four hours after our arrival, we got accounts of the 
disappearance of the fleet on the 31st ; since which, noth- 
ing having been heard of them^ we have remained keie in a 



2.IFE OP LAFAYETTE. 41 

very irksome state of suspense ; some imagining that 
they are gone southward, whilst a majority, in whose opin- 
ion upon this occasion I concur, are satisfied that they are 
gone to the eastward. The fatigue, however, and injury 
which men must sustain by long marches in such extreme 
heat, as we have felt for the last five days, must keep us 
quiet till we hear something of the destination of the ene- 
my." 

In the mean time, at the north, Ticonderoga and Mount 
Independence had surrendered to the enemy ; Fort Schuy- 
ler was invested, and the army of Burgoyne, was marching 
in its arrogant and hitherto victorious career, to meet its 
destiny upon the memorable plains of Saratoga. While 
upon the march with the army to recross the Delaware, on 
the 10th of August, Gen. Washington was informed by ex- 
press, that the enemy's fleet had been seen on the 7th, oflT 
Sinepuxent Inlet, about sixteen leagues to the southward of 
the Capes of Delaware ; and, the army was again halted for 
further intelligence. Up to the 21st of August, no further 
accounts were heard of the enemy's fleet. It was inferred^ 
that Gen. Howe had gone far to the eastward, or south- 
ward ; but the prevalent opinion was, that he designed to at- 
tack Charleston. It was therefore decided in a council of 
war, on the 21st, that as it was impracticable to march sea- 
sonably to the aid of Charleston, the army should move im- 
mediately to the North River, with a view of opposing 
Burgoyne, or making an attempt upon New York, as might 
be expedient. In this council of war, Lafayette, for the 
first time, took part, and attended with the rank of major- 
general. 

This decision was approved by Congress ; but the very 
next day, the 22d August, being on the point of marching, 
Gen. Washington received a letter from President Han- 
cock, informing him that an express had that moment ar- 
rived from Maryland, with the account that Gen. Howe's 
fleet, near two hundred sail, were at anchor in Chesapeake 
Bay. The design to attack Philadelphia was therefore 
apparent ; and the destination of the army was changed. 
Orders were immediately given for calling in the several 
detachments. The whole army was put in motion ; and 
on the 24th, for the purpose of encouraging the friends of 
liberty and influencing the disaffeetedy Washington march- 

4* 



42" LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

ed his army through the streets of Philadelphia. " Tlieir 
heads covered with green branches, and marching to the 
sound of drums and fifes, these soldiers, (says Lafayette,) 
in spite of their destitution, offered an agreeable spectacle- 
to the eyes of the citizens." 

Gen. Washington encamped at Clay Greek, a few miles 
beyond Wilmington. The British landed near the head of 
Elk River ; and the manceuvres and dispositions of both- 
armies were made for the approaching and memorable bat- 
tle of Brandywine. It was in this battle that Lafayette 
sealed with his blood his covenant with the American peo- 
ple. In the hottest of the contest, he had dismounted to 
rally the troops, who were retreating in disorder, and re- 
ceived a severe wound in the leg. Unmindful of this, he 
continued his exertions, until obliged to remount his horse 
by the loss of blood. Nor did he cease his efforts until the 
retreat as far as Chester was accomplished. A detailed 
account of the battle of Brandywine, which General Wash- 
ington was induced to risk, in opposition to his own judge- 
ment, against a sujieriour force and under many disadvanta- 
ges, in conformity to the expectations of the country and 
of Congress, and indeed of Europe, will be found in almost 
every book of American history and biography. It may, 
however, be interesting to the reader of this volume, to see 
the description of it which Lafayette himself has given,- 
We therefore present it as follows : 

" After having advanced as far as Wilmington, the general [Wash» 
ington] had detached a thousand men under Maxwell, the most ancient 
Brigadier in the army. At the first march of the English, he was 
beaten by their advance guard near Christiana Bridge. During that 
time the army took but an indifferent station at Newport ; they then 
removed a little south, waited two days for the enemy, and, at the 
moment when these were marching upon their right wing, a noctur- 
nal coimcil of war decided that the army was to proceed to the Bran, 
dywine. The stream bearing that name covered its front ; the ford 
called Chad's Ford, placed nearly in the centre, was defended by bat- 
teries. It was in that hardly examined station that, in obedience to a 
letter from Congress, the Americans awaited the battle. The evening 
of the 10th of September, Howe advanced in two columns, and, by a 
very fine movement, the left column (about 8000 men under Lord 
Cornwallis, with the grenadiers and guards) directed themselves to- 
wards the fords of Birmingham, three miles on our right ; the other 
column continued its road, and about nine o'clock, in the morning it 
appeared on the other side of the stream. The enemy was so near the 
skirts of the wood that it was impossible to judge of his force ; some. 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 43 

time was lost in a mutual cannonading. General Washington walked 
along his two lines, and was received with acclamations which seemed 
to promise him success. The intelligence that was received of the 
movements of Cornwallis was both confused and contradictory ; ow- 
ing to the conformity of name betwixt two roads that were of equal 
length and parallel to each other, the best officers were mistaken in 
their reports. The only musket shots that had been fired were from 
Maxwell, who killed several of the enemy, but was driven back upon 
the left of the American army, across a ford by which he had before 
advanced. Three thousand militia had been added to the army, but 
they were placed in the rear to guard some still more distant militia, 
and took no part themselves in the action. Such was the situation 
of the troops when they learnt the march of Lord Cornwallis towards 
the scarcely known fords of Birmingham : they then detached three 
divisions, forming about five thousand men, under the generals Sul- 
livan, Stirling, and Stephens. M. de Lafayette, as volunteer, had al- 
ways accompanied the general. The left wing remaining in a state 
of tranquillity, and the right appearing fated to receive all the heavy 
blows, he obtained permission to join Sullivan. At his arrival, which 
seemed to inspirit the troops, he found that, the enemy having cross- 
ed the ford, the corps of Sullivan had scarcely had time to form itself 
on a line in front of a thinly wooded forest. A few moments after, 
Lord Cornwallis formed in the finest order : advancing across the 
plain, his first line opened a brisk fire of musketry and artillery ; the 
Americans returned the fire, and did much injury to the enemy ; but 
their right and left wings having given way, the generals and several 
officers joined the central division, in which were M. de Lafayette and 
Stirling, and of which eight hundred men were commanded in a most 
Brilliant manner by Conway, an Irishman in the service of France. 
By separating that division from its two wings, and advancing through 
an open plain, in which they lost many men, the enemy united all 
his fire upon the centre ; the confusion became extreme ; and it was 
whilst M. de Lafayette was rallying the troops that a ball passed 
through his leg ,- — at that moment all those remaining on the field 
gave way. M. de Lafayette was indebted to Gimat, his aid-de-camp, 
for the happiness of getting upon his horse. General Washington ar- 
rived from a distance with fresli troops ; M. de Lafayette was prepar- 
ing to join him, when loss of blood obliged him to stop and have his 
wound bandaged ; he v/as even very near being taken. Fugitives, 
cannon, and baggage, now crowded without order into the road lead- 
ing to Chester. The general employed the remaining daylight in 
checking the enemy : some regiments behaved extremely well, but 
the disorder was complete. During that time the ford of Chad was 
forced, the cannon taken, and the Chester road became tile common 
retreat of the whole army. In the midst of that dreadful confusion, 
and during the darkness of the night, it was impossible to recover ; 
but at Chester, twelve miles from the field of battle, they met with a 
bridge which it was necessary to cross; M. de Lafayette occupied 
himself in arresting the fugitives ; some degree of order was re-estab- 
lished ; the generals and the Commander-in-chief arrived ; and he had 
leisure to have his wound dressed. 

" It was thus, at twenty.gix miles from Philadelphia, that the fate of" 



44 LIFE OF IiAFAYETTE. 

that town was decided, (11th September, 1777.) The inhabitants had 
heard every cannon that was fired there ; the two parties, assembled 
in two distinct bands in all the squares and publick places, had await- 
ed the event in silence. The last courier at length arrived, and the 
friends of liberty were thrown into consternation. The Americans 
had lost from 1000 to 1200 men. Howe's army was composed of 
about 12,000 men ; their losses had been so considerable that their 
surgeons, and those in the country, were found insufficient, and they 
requested the American army to supply them with some for their 
prisoners." 

The morning after the battle, Lafayette was conveyed 
by water to Philadelphia, where he received the greatest 
sympathy and attention. Many of the inhabitants, howev- 
er, abandoned the city and their possessions the same day. 
Congress repaired precipitately to Bristol, and thence to 
York, beyond the Susquehanna, where they remained eight 
months, until Philadelphia was evacuated by the British 
army. To Bristol Lafayette was taken by water ; thence^ 
he was conveyed by Mr. Laurens, President of Congress, 
in his carriage, to Bethlehem, and left in the care of the 
Moravian Society, " where (he says) the mild religion of 
the brotherhood, the community of fortune, education, and 
interests, formed a striking contrast to scenes of blood, and 
the convulsions occasioned by a civil war." 

In this quiet and romantick retreat, Lafayette was de- 
tained, and for the most time confined to his bed for about 
six weeks, suffering less from his wound than from an inac- 
tivity hostile to his nature, and impatience to rejoin th^ 
army. He employed himself, however, in correspondence, 
and in forming plans to aid the cause of America. In the 
letters to Madame Lafayette, he spoke playfully of the inju- 
ry he had received, showing that he regarded his wound as 
a badge of honour, rather than a misfortune to be regretted ; 
mingling with the tributes of affection, so honourable to him 
as a man, a husband and a father, the details of intelligence^ 
and the proofs of his devotion to the glorious cause which 
he had espoused.. The day after the battle, (September 
12th,) from Philadelphia, he wrote : 

" I must begin by telling you that I am perfectly well, because I must 
end by telling you that we fought seriously last night, and that we 
were not the strongest on the field of battle. Our Americans, after 
having stood their ground for some time, ended at length by being 
routed ; whilst endeavouring to rally them, the English honoured me 
with a musket ball, which slightly wounded, jne in the leg, — hut it is 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE 3 45 

a trifle, my dearest love ; the ball touched neither bone nor nerve, and 
I have escaped with the obligation of lying on my back for some time, 
which puts me much out of humour. I hope that you will feel no 
anxiety ; this event ought, on the contrary, rather to reassure you^ since 
I am incapacitated from appearing on the fieM for some time. I 
have resolved to take great care of myself; be convinced of this, my 
love. This affair, will, I fear, be attended with bad consequences for 
America. We will endeavour, if possible, to repair the evil. You 
must have received many letters from me, unless the English be 
equally ill-disposed towards my epistles as towards my legs. I have 
not yet received one letter, and I am most impatient to hear from yoo. 
Adieu ; I am forbidden to write longer." 

Under date of October Ist, 1777, he says : 

" I wrote to you my dearest love, the I2th of September ; the twelfth 
was the day after the eleventh, and I have a little tale to relate to you 
concerning, that eleventh day. To render my action more meritori- 
ous, I might tell you that prudent reflections induced me to remain 
for some weeks in my bed, safe sheltered from all danger j but I must 
acknowledge that I was encouEaged to take this measure by a slight 
wound, which I met with I know not how, for I did not, in truth, ex- 
pose myself to peril. It was the first conflict at which Ihad been present, 
so you see how very rare engagements are. It will be the last of this 
campaign, or, in all probability, at least, the last great battle ; and if 
anything should occur, you see that I could not myself be present, 

" My first occupation was to write to you the day after that affair ; 
I told you that it was a mere trifle, and I was right ; all I fear is that 
you should not have received my letter. As general Howe is giving, 
in the meantime, rather pompous details of his American exploits to 
the king his master, if he should write word that I am wounded, he 
may also write word that I am killed, which would not cost him any- 
thing ; but I hope that my friends, and you especially, will not give 
faith to the reports of those persons who last year dared to publish 
that General Washington, and all the general officers of his army, 
being in a boat together, had been upset, and every individual drowned. 
But let us speak about the wound : it is only a flesh-wound, and has 
neither touched bone nor nerve. The surgeons are astonished at the 
rapidity with which it heals ; they are in an ecstacy of joy each time 
they dress it, and pretend it is the finest thing in the world : for my 
part I think it most disagreeable, painful, and wearisome ; but tastes 
often differ : if a man, however, wished to be wounded for his amuse- 
ment only, he should come and examine how I have been struck, that 
he might be struck precisely in the same manner. This, my dearest 
love, is what I pompously style my wound, to give myself airs, and 
render myself interesting. 

" I must now give 'you. jour lesson, as wife of an American general 
officer. They will say to you, * They have been beaten : ' you must 
answer, — 'That is true ; but when two armies of equal number meet 
in the field, old soldiers have naturally the advantage over new ones ; 
they have, besides, had the pleasure of killing a great many of the 
enemy, many more than they have lost.' They will afterwards add : 



46 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. 

* All that is very well ; but Philadelphia istaken, the capital of Ameri- 
ca, the rampart of liberty ! ' You must politely answer, * You are all 
great fools ! Philadelphia is a poor forlorn town, exposed on every 
side, whose harbour was already closed ; though the residence of Con- 
gress lent it, I know not why, some degree of celebrity. This is the 
famous city which, be it added, we will, sooner or later, make them 
yield back to us.' If they continue to persecute you with questions, 
you may send them about their business in terms which the Viscount 
de Noailles will teach you, for I cannot lose time by talking to you 
of politicks. 

"Be perfectly at ease about my wound ; all the faculty in America 
are engaged in my service. I have a friend, who has spoken to them 
in such a manner that I am certain of being well attended to ; that 
friend is General Washington. This excellent man, whose talents 
and virtues I admired, and whom I have learnt to revere as I know 
him better, has now become my intimate friend : his affectionate in- 
terest in me instantly won my heart. I am established in his house, 
and we live together like two attached brothers, with mutual confi- 
dence and cordiality. This friendship renders me as happy as I can 
possibly be in this country. "When he sent his best surgeon to me, 
he told him to take charge of me as if I were his son, because he loved 
me with the same affection. Having heard that I wished to rejoin 
the army too soon, he wrote me a letter full of tenderness, in which ho 
requested me to attend to the perfect restoration of my health. I 
give yQu these details, my dearest love, that you may feel quite certain 
of the care that is taken of me. Amongst the French officers, who 
have all expressed the warmest interest for me, M. de Gimat, my 
aid-de-camp, has followed me about like my shadow, both before and 
since the battle, and has given me every possible proof of attachment. 
You may thus feel quite secure on this account, both for the present 
and for the future. 

" I am at present in the solitude of Bethlehem, which the Abbe Ray- 
nal has described so minutely. This establishment is a very interesting 
one ; the fraternity lead an agreeable and very tranquil life : we will 
talk over all this on ray return ; and I intend to weary those I love, 
yourself, of course, in the first place, by the relation of my adventures, 
for you know that I was always a great prattler. 

" You must become a prattler also, my love, and say many things 
for me to Henriette — my poor little Henriette ! embrace her a thousand 
times — talk of me to her, but do not tell her all I deserve to suffer ; 
my punishment will be, not to be recognized by her on my arrival ; 
that is the penance Henriette will impose on me." 

From Bethlehem, also, Lafayette wrote to the Governour 
of the Windward islands, M. de Bouille, and proposed to 
him to make a descent upon the English West India islands, 
under American colours. That general approved of the 
project, and forwarded the proposition to the French court, 
but it was not accepted. He also wrote to Count de Mau- 
repas, proposing a more important enterprise, in which he 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 47 

would assist with some American forces, an attack upon the 
EngHsh factories in the Isle of France. The French minis- 
ter, from motives consistent with the neutral pretext of his 
government at that time, did not adopt the project ; but 
spoke publickly in praise of it, and expressed, ever after, a 
great partiality for Lafayette. "He will end one day" 
said he, smiling, " by unfurnishing the palace of Versailles 
to serve the American cause ; for when he has taken any 
thing into his head, it is impossible to resist him." 

The day after the battle of Brandywine, Gen. Wash- 
ington, having rallied his forces at Chester, retired in 
good order and encamped near Germantown. Undismayed 
by the result of the recent engagement, he, on the 17th Sep- 
tember, recrossed the Schuylkill, " with the firm intent (he 
says, in a letter to the President of Congress, dated near 
Pottsgrove, Sept. 25th,) of giving the enemy battle, where- 
ever I shall meet them ; and accordingly (to continue his 
©wn account) I advanced as far as the Warren Tavern upon 
the Lancaster road, near which place the two armies were 
on the point of coming to a general engagement, but were 
prevented by a most violent flood of rain, which continued 
all the day and the following night." The ammunition of 
the Americans was completely ruined, and before it could 
be replenished the enemy marched from their position and 
crossed the river. 

After taking possession of Philadelphia, Gen. Howe en- 
camped with the larger part of his army, at Germantown. 
A detachment of it was stationed on the left bank of the 
Delaware in New Jersey. The British forces being thus 
divided, Gen. Washington formed the plan of attacking 
Howe by surprise. The American army was at Shipping 
Creek, about fourteen miles from the British encampment. 
Washington marched on the 3d of October, and on the 
morning of the 4th, commenced the attack which is known 
in history as the battle of Germantown. At first the at- 
tack was successful ; " and had it not been for a thick fog 
(says Washington) which rendered it so dark at times, 
that we were not able to distinguish friend from foe at the 
distance of thirty yards, we should, I believe, have made a 
decisive and glorious day of it. But Providence designed 
it otherwise ; for, after we had driven the enemy a mile or 
two, after they were in the utmost confusion, and flying be- 



48 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

fore us in most places, after we were upon the point, as it 
appeared to every body, of grasping a complete victory, our 
own troops took fright, and fled with precipitation and dis- 
order. How to account for this I know not ; unless, as I 
before observed, the fog represented their own friends to 
them for a reinforcement of the enemy, as we attacked in 
different quarters at the same time, and were about closing 
the wings of our army when this happened." 

But the following circumstance is now generally believed 
to have contributed greatly to this disastrous turn of affairs : 
Jjsix companies of the 40th British regiment, commanded 
by Colonel Musgrove, had taken possession of Chew's house, 
a strong stone building, and baffled every effort to dis- 
lodge them, and retarded for some time the advance of the 
second line of the Americans, designed to support the centre, 
" and during this delay, (says Mr. Sparks,) Sullivan's divi- 
sion, which had been closely engaged in front, having mostly 
expended their ammunition, began to retreat, and falling 
back on the American line, threw it into disorder." 

Gen. Washington regarded the result of this battle rather 
as " unfortunate than injurious." The loss of men was not 
great, although several valuable officers fell in the engage- 
ment. The enemy gained nothing, and the courage and 
ardour of the American army were increased. Soon after, 
Washington established himself at the celebrated encamp- 
ment of Whitemarsh, fourteen miles from Philadelphia. The 
surrender of Burgoyne at Saratoga, was a joyous event to 
the armies and the friends of liberty. Minor operations 
along the Delaware, about the same time, were interesting. 
The fort at Red Bank, (Fort Mercer,) defended by Colonel 
Greene, was attacked by sixteen hundred Hessians, under 
Count Donop. They were repulsed with great slaughter, 
Count Donop was wounded and taken prisoner, and soon 
after died, exclaiming to Monsieur Duplessis, a French offi- 
cer who attended him : " This is finishing a noble career 
early. / die a victim of my own ambition, and the avarice 
of my sovereign.''^ Fort Mifflin, attacked by land and wa- 
ter, was bravely defended. Two or three of the enemy's 
vessels were destroyed. But on the night of the 15th of 
November, the fort was evacuated, " after a defence (says 
Washington) which does credit to the American arms, and 
will ever reflect the highest honour upon the officers and 



LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. 49 

men of the garrison." In this defence, Major Fleury, a 
French officer, the friend of Lafayette, greatly distinguish- 
ed himself, and was wounded. He was promoted to the 
rank of Lieut. Colonel. Fort Mercer was also evacuated 
on the 20th of November, on the approach of Lord Corn- 
wallis, who had crossed the river from Chester with a de- 
tachment supposed to be about two thousand men, and form- 
ed a junction with troops lately arrived from New York, and 
some that had been landed before at Billingsport. 



CHAPTER VL 

Lafayette returns to head-quarters — Domestick anxiety and corres- 
pondence — Difficulty of communication with France — Situation 
and feelings — Desire for a command — Gen. Washington's letter on 
the subject — Success merited and won — Battle of Gloucester — De- 
cision of Congress — Lafayette's character appreciated — Letter of 
Patrick Henry — The army in winter quarters — Its great sufferings 
at Whiteraarsh and Valley Forge — Lafayette the soldier's friend 
— His zeal and humanity — His habits-^S elicits the alliance of 
France — Advocates the American cause and character — Letter to 
the Duke D'Ayen. 

While the most important of these events were occur- 
ring, Lafayette remained at Bethlehem. But, unable to re- 
strain his desire for employment, he repaired before his 
wound had healed, to head-quarters, at Whitemarsh, as ap. 
pears from the date of his letters, about the 20th of October. 
He experienced much anxiety at this time, of a domestick 
nature, being almost totally deprived of intelligence from 
his friends and family in France. In a letter to Madame 
Lafayette, dated October 29th, 1777, he says : " I have no 
resource left me, my love, but to write and write again, with- 
out even hoping that my letters will ever reach you. Al- 
luding to a domestick event, about which he felt natural 
solicitude : " I shall find (he writes) my poor little Henri^ 
ette very amusing on my return. I hope she will deliver a 
long sermon of reproof, and that she will speak to me with 
all the frankness of friendship. ***** Embrace 
her, my love— may I say embrace them 7 — for me ! But I 
will not dwell upon all I suffer from this painful uncer- 
tainty." 

5 



50 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

In a fetter dated November 6th, to Madame Lafayette, 
he illustrates the difficulty of communicating with Europe 
at that period : 

"See what a circuit my letter must make. An officer in the army 
■will carry it to Fort Pitt, three hundred miles in the interiour of the 
continent ; it will then embark on the great Ohio river, and traverse 
regions inhabited only by savages ; having reached New Orleans, a 
small vessel will transport it to the Spanish islands; a ship of that 
nation — ^God knows when ! — will carry it with her on her return to 
Europe. But it will even then be very distant from you ; and it is 
only after having been soiled by' the dirty hands of all the Spanish post- 
masters that it will be allowed to pass the Pyrenees. It may very 
possibly be unsealed and resealed five or six times before it be finally 
placed in your hands ; but it will prove to you that I neglect no op- 
portunity, not even the most indirect one, of sending you news of 
mvself." * * ******** 

" One letter, one letter only, have I yet received from you, my love ; 
the others have been lost or taken, and are probably at the bottom ojf 
the sea.' 

After giving an account of military events, he thus speaks 
of his then present situation and feelings : 

" You are now quite as well informed on the subject as if you were 
general-in-chief of either army. I need only add, at this moment, 
that the wound of the 11th of September, of which I have spoken to 
you a thousand times, is almost completely healed, although I am 
still a little lame, but that in a few days there will scarcely remain 
any traces of this accident. * * * * * * * 

" A little gentleman, in a blue coat, with lemon-coloured facings 
and a white waistcoat, a German, coming hither to solicit employ- 
ment, (which he will not obtain,) and speaking wretched French, told 
me that he quitted Europe in the month of August : he talked to me 
of politicks and of the ministry ; he upset all Europe generally, and 
every court individually : but he knew not a word of what was most 
interesting to my heart. I examined him in every way ; I mentioned 
fifty names to him ; his answer was always, ' Me not know them 
noblemen.^ 

*' I will not weary you with a long account of the state of my finan- 
ces. The accident which occurred to my vessel was a source of 
vexation to me, because that vessel would have been useful to me 
in the present settlement of my affairs ; but it is no longer in being, 
and I should reproach myself with having sent it back, had I not 
been obliged to make its return a clause in my engagements, on ac 
count of my minority. Every thing here is incredibly dear. We 
feel the consolation of the malevolent in thinking that the scarcity is 
still greater in Philadelphia. In time of war, we become reconciled* 
to all we may ourselves endure by making our enemies suffer ten 
times more. We have here an abundance of provisions, and we learn 
with pleasure that our English neighbours are not^so fortunate. 

" Do not think at present of being uneasy on ray account ; all the 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 51 

hard blows are over, and there can be, at most, but some little minia- 
ture strokes, which cannot concern me ; I am not less secure in this- 
camp than I should be were I in the centre of Paris. If every possi^ 
ble advantage to be attained by serving here ; if the friendship of the 
army in gross and in detail ; if a tender union with the most respectable 
and admirable of men. General Washington, sustained by mutual 
confidence ; if the affections of those Americans by whom I wish to 
be beloved ; if all this were sufficient to constitute my happiness, I 
should indeed have nothing to desire." 

But Gen. Lafayette, although thus satisfied with his per- 
sonal position, and ready and willing to serve in any capa- 
city, was still desirous of a command corresponding with 
the grade of his commission. Gen. Washington, in a let- 
ter to the President of Congress, November 1st, thus presses 
the subject upon the consideration of that body : 

"I would take the liberty to mention, that I feel myself in a deli- 
cate situation with respect to the Marquis de Lafayette. He is 
extremely solicitous of having a command equal to his rank, and 
professes very different ideas, as to the purposes of his appointment, 
from those Congress have mentioned to me. He certainly did not 
understand them. I do not know in what light they will view the 
matter ; but it appears to me, from a consideration of his illustrious 
and important connexions, the attachment which he has manifested 
for our cause, and the consequences which his return in disgust might 
produce, that it will be advisable to gratify him in his wishes ; and 
the more so, as several gentlemen from France, who came over under 
some assurances, have gone back disappointed in their expectations. 
His conduct, with respect to them, stands in a favourable point of 
view, he having interested himself to remove their uneasiness, and 
urged the impropriety of their making any unfavourable representa- 
tions upon their arrival at home ; and in all his letters he has placed 
our affairs in the best situation he could. Besides he is sensible, dis- 
creet in his manners, has made great proficiency in our language, 
and, from the disposition he discovered at the battle of Brandywine, 
possesses a large share of bravery and militaiy ardour." 

On the 26th of November, the Commander-in-chief had 
an opportunity of again urging the decision of Congress 
on this point, under circumstances still more impressive, — 
circumstances which were calculated not only to " deserve," 
but to " command " success. 

" I must take (he writes) the liberty to request the decision of Con- 
gress on the case of the nine first raised Virginia regiments, as early 
as circumstances will permit. * ***** 

I should also be happy in their determination respecting the Marquis 
de Lafayette. He is more and more solicitous to be in actual service, 
and is pressing in his applications for a command. I ventured before 
to submit my sentiments upon the measure, and I still fear a refusal 



52 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 



will not only induce him to return in disgust, but may involve some 
unfavourable consequences. There are now some vacant divisions 
in the army, to one of which he may be appointed, if it should be the 
pleasure of Congress. I am convinced he possesses a large share of 
that military ardour, which generally characterizes tlie nobility of his 
country. He went to Jersey with General Greene, and I find he has 
not been inactive there. This you will perceive by the following 
extract from a letter just received from General Greene. 

'• ' The Marquis, with about four hundred militia and the rifle corps, 
attacked the enemy's picket last evening, killed about twenty, wounded 
many more, and took about twenty prisoners. The Marquis is 
charmed with the spirited behaviour of the militia and rifle corps ; 
they drove the enemy about half a mile, and kept the ground until 
dark. The enemy's picket consisted of about three hundred, and 
were reinforced during the skirmish. The Marquis is determined to 
be in the way of danger.'" 




BATTLE OF GLOUCESTER, 



The affair here referred to, was the Battle of Gloucester, 
in which were exhibited the first indications of a general- 
ship that was never tarnished by a military blunder. We 
have mentioned, that Lord Cornwallis, with a detachment, 
(variously stated from two thousand to five thousand men,) 
had crossed the Delaware into New Jersey, and compelled 
the Americans to evacuate Fort Mercer, at Red Bank, 
on the nighty of the 20th of November. General Greene 
was ordered by Gen. Washington with a detachment into 
New Jersey, to operate against Cornwallis. Lafayette, 
although his wound was not yet sufficiently healed to per- 
mit him to wear a boot, accompanied the expedition as a 
volunteer. At his own request, he was perBditted by Gen^ 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 53 

Greene to reconnoitre Cornwallis, and make an attack, if 
circumstances justified. He discovered the enemy at Glou- 
cester, opposite Philadelphia, about to cross over with the 
booty they had collected. The better to ascertain their po- 
sition, he advanced upon a sandy point, near the mouth of a 
creek which empties into the Delaware at Gloucester. He 
was discovered by the enemy, and a detachment of dra- 
goons was sent off to intercept him. The fear and confusion 
of his guide nearly occasioned his falling into the hands of 
the enemy. But eluding the dragoons by a back path, about 
two miles from the English camp, he came suddenly upon 
an outpost of four hundred Hessians with their cannon. 
Having only three hundred and fifty men, most of them 
militia, he immediately attacked the enemy, and the follow- 
ing is an account of the engagement, in a letter to Gen- 
eral Washington, dated Haddenfield, 26th November, 1777 : 

" After having spent the most part of the day to make myself well 
acquainted with the certainty of their motions, I came pretty late into 
the Gloucester road, between the two creeks. I had ten light horse with 
Mr. Lindsey, almost a hundred and fifty riflemen, under Colonel But- 
ler, and two pickets of the militia, commanded by Colonels Hite 
and Ellis : my whole body was not three hundred. Colonel Armand, 
Colonel Laumoy. the chevaliers Duplessis and Gimat, were the French- 
men who went with me. A scout of my men, with whom was 
Mr. Duplessis, to see how near were the first pickets from Gloucester, 
found at two miles and a half of it a strong post of three hundred and 
fifty Hessians with field pieces (what number I did know, by the 
unanimous deposition of their prisoners,) and engaged immediately. 
As my little reconnoitering party were all in fine spirits, I supported 
them. We pushed the Hessians more than an half mile from the place 
where was their main body, and we made them run very fast : Brit- 
ish reinforcements came twice to them, but very far from recovering 
their ground, they went always back. The darkness of the night 
prevented us then to push that advantage, and, after standing upoa 
the ground we had got, I ordered them to return very slow to Haddon- 
field. The enemy, knowing perhaps by our drums that we were not 
80 near, came again to fire at^us : but the brave Major Morris, with 
a part of his riflemen, sent them back, and pushed them very fast. I 
understand that they have had between twenty-five and thirty wound- 
ed, at least that number killed, among whom I am certain, is an offi- 
cer ; some say more, and the prisoners told me they 'have lost the 
commandant of that body ; we got yet this day fourteen prisoners. I 
sent you the most moderate account I had from themselves. We left 
one single man killed, a lieutenant of militia, and only five of ours 
were wounded. Such is the account of our little entertainment, which 
is indeed much too long for the matter, but I take the greatest pleasure 
to let you know that the conduct of our soldiers is ab«ve all praises ; 

6* 



54 LIFE OF liAFAYETTE,^ 

I never saw men so merry, so spirited, so desirous to go on to the 
enemy, whatever forces they could have, as that small party was in 
this little fight. I found the riflemen above even their reputation, 
and the militia above all expectations I could have ; I returned to 
them my very sincere thanks this morning. I wish that this little 
success of ours may please you, though a very trifling one, I find it 
very interesting on account of the behaviour of our soldiers.' * * » 

" I must tell, too, that the riflemen had been the whole day running 
before ray horse, without eating or taking any rest. 

" I have just now a certain assurance that two British officers, be. 
sides those I spoke you of, have died this morning of their wounds in 
an house ; this, and some other circumstances, let me believe that 
their lost may be greater than I told to your excellency." 

The decision of Congress in reference to assigning a 
command to Lafayette, was quickened by the intelligence 
of this action. The same day on which Gen. Washington's 
letter (last quoted) was received, they resolved, '*^that it 
would be highly agreeable to Congress for him to appoint 
the Marquis de Lafayette to the command of a division in 
the Continental army." Following promptly this expres- 
sion, the Commander-in-chief, three days thereafter, ap- 
pointed Gen. Lafayette to command the division of Vir- 
ginia troops, recently commanded by Gen. Stephens. The 
character of Lafayette began to be well appreciated iia 
America. The celebrated Patrick Henry, then governour of 
Virginia, in a letter to Gen. Washington, said : "I take 
the liberty of enclosing to you two letters from France to 
the Marquis de Lafayette. One of them is from his lady,l 
believe. I beg to be presented to him in the-most accepta- 
ble manner. I greatly revere his person and amiable char- 
acter." 

The military operations of the year 1777, were drawing^ 
to a close. General Howe, having been reinforced by sev- 
eral regiments from New York, sought to bring on a gen- 
eral engagement. On the 4th of December, he left Phila- 
delphia, with twelve thousand men, and the next morning 
took post at Chestnut Hill, about three miles to the right 
of the American encampment at Whitemarsh. The same 
night, they •changed their ground, and moved to the left 
within a mile of the American line. Gen. Washington de- 
termined not to give the enemy any advantage, and to- 
await in this position, their threatened attack. But he 
sent out light troops, which annoyed the enemy ; and in 
these skirmishes Lafayette was engaged, Unable to gain 



IIFE OP LAFAYETTE. 55 

any advantage by his manoeuvres, Gen. Howe, on the 8th, 
retreated vi^ith his whole force to Philadelphia. On the 
11th, Gen. Washington, broke up his encampment at 
Whitemarsh, crossed the Schuylkill, and established hia 
army, on the 20th December, in its winter quarters at 
Valley Forge, about twenty miles from Philadelphia. 

The condition of the American army was at this time 
most deplorable. According to one historian the soldiers 
might be traced on their march from Whitemarsh to Valley 
Forge, by the blood of their feet, over the frozen ground ! 
Gen. Washington himself stated, that out of a force of about 
eight thousand men, no less than two thousand eight hun- 
dred and ninety-eight men, then in camp, were unfit for 
duty, because they were barefoot and otherwise naked ; and 
that for want of blankets, numbers were obliged " to sit up 
all night by fires, instead of taking comfortable rest in a 
natural and comfortable way." The situation of the army 
at that time is thus described by Lafayette : 

" The unfortunate soldiers were in want of everything ; they had 
neither coats, hats, shirts nor shoes ; their feet and legs froze till they 
became black, and it was often necessary to amputate them. From 
want of money, they could neither obtain provisions nor any means 
of transport ; the colonels were often reduced to two rations, and 
sometimes even to one.. The army frequently remained whole days- 
without provisions, and the patient endurance of both soldiers and 
officers was a miracle which each moment served to renew. But the 
sight of their misery prevented new engagements ; it was almost im- 
possible to levy recruits ; it was easy to desert into the interiour of the 
country. The sacred fire of liberty was not extinguished, it is true, 
and the majority of the citizens detested British tyranny ; but the 
triumph of the north, and the tranquillity of the south, had lulled to 
sleep two-thirds of the continent." 

In this trying crisis, Lafayette exhibited the utmost hu- 
manity, zeal and discretion. He was truly the soldier's- 
friend, sympathizing with them, and endeavouring to alle- 
viate their sufferings. In his intimate and friendly inter- 
course with the Commander-in-chief and his brother offi- 
cers, he encouraged them by his example and unwavering 
spirit of devotion to the cause of the country, under their 
many and severe trials. " He adopted in every respect (he 
states,) the American dress, habits and food. He wished 
to be more simple, frugal, and austere, than the Americans 
themselves. Brought up in the lap of luxury, he suddenly 



56 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

changed his whole manner of living, and his constitution 
bent itself to privations as well as to fatigue." 

Lafayette was solicitous that the French government 
should acknowledge the independence of America, and aid it 
in the contest. His letters to his friends in France, and to 
the French ministers, were calculated and essentially con- 
tributed to hasten that result. He wrote to them in the 
most ardent and glowing terms, and with the pen of truth, 
of the American cause and character. The following ex- - , 

tracts are taken from an interesting letter to the Duke i 

D'Ayeny dated December 16th, 1777. In what page of 
history, in what document of the time, shall we find a more 
correct portrait, a tribute more just to the virtues of General 
Washington? an expression of views more prophetick 
and correct, of sentiments more pure and patriotick ? Af- 
ter an interesting detail of military events, he says : 

" The loss of Philadelphia is far from being so important as it is 
conceived to be in Europe. If the differences of circumstances, of 
countries, and of proportion between the two armies, were not duly 
considered, the success of General Gates would appear surprising 
when compared to the events that have occurred with us, — taking 
into account the superiority of General Washington over General 
Gates. Our general is a man formed, in truth, for this revolution, 
which could not have been accomplished without him. I see him 
more intimately than any other man, and I see that he is worthy of 
the adoration of his country. His tender friendship for me, and 
his complete confidence in me, relating to all military and politi- 
cal subjects, great as well as small, enable me to judge of all the in- 
terest he has to conciliate, and all the difficulties he has to conquer. 
I admire each day more fully the excellence of his character, and the 
kindness of his heart. Some foreigners are displeased at not having, 
been employed, (although it did not depend on him to employ them) — 
others, whose ambitious projects he would not serve, — and" some in- 
triguing, jealous men, have endeavoured to injure his reputation ; but 
his name will be revered in every age, by all true lovers of liberty and 
humanity ; and although I may appear to be eulogising my friend, I 
believe that the part he makes me act, gives me the right of avowing 
publickly how much I admire and respect him. * * * 

"America is most impatiently expecting us to declare for'her, and 
France will one day, I hope, determine to humble the pride of England. 
This hope, and the measures which America appears determined to 
pursue, give me great hopes for the glorious establishment of her in- 
dependence. We are not, I confess, so strong as I expected, but we 
are strong enough to fight ; we shall do so, I trust, with some degree 
of success ; and, with the assistance of France, we shall gain, with 
costs, the cause that I cherish, because it is the cause of justice, — - 
because it honours humanity, — ^because it is important to my country. 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 57 

and because my American friends, and myself, are deeply engaged in 
it. The approaching campaign will be an interesting one. It is 
said that the English are sending us some Hanoverians ; some time 
ago they threatened us with, what was far worse, the arrival of some 
Russians. A slight menace from France would lessen the number 
of these reinforcements. The more I see of the English, the more 
thoroughly convinced I am, that it is necessary to speak to them in 
a loud tone. 

"After having wearied you with publick affairs, you must not ex- 
pect to escape without being wearied also with my private affairs. 
It is impossible to be more agreeably situated than I am in a foreign 
country. I haA'^e only feelings of pleasure to express, and I have each 
day more reason to be satisfied v/ith the conduct of the Congress 
towards me, although my military occupations have allowed me to 
become personally acquainted with but few of its members. Those I 
do know have especially loaded me with marks of kindness and atten- 
tion. The new president, Mr. Laurens, one of the most respectable 
men of America, is my particular friend. As to the army, I have had 
the happiness of obtaining the friendship of every individual ; not' one 
opportunity is lost of giving me proofs of it. I passed the whole sum- 
mer without accepting a division, which you know had been my pre- 
vious intention ; I passed all that time at General Washington's house, 
where I felt as if I were with a friend of twenty years' standing^, 
Since my return from Jersey, he has desired me to choose, amongst 
several brigades, the division which may please me best ; but I have 
chosen one entirely composed of Virginians. It is weak in point of 
numbers at present, just in proportion, however, to the weakness of 
the whole army, and almost in. a state of nakedness, but I am promised 
cloth, of which I shall make clothes, and recruits, of which soldiers 
must be made, about the same period ; but, unfortunately, the last is' 
the most difficult task, even for more skilful men than me. The 
task I am performing here, if I had acquired sufficient experience to. 
perform it well, would improve exceedingly my future knowledge. 
The major-general replaces the lieutenant-general and the field- 
marshal, in their most important functions, and I should have the 
power of employing to advantage, both my talents and experience, if 
Providence and my extreme youth allowed me to boast of possessing 
either. I read, I study, I examine, I listen, I reflect, and the result 
of all is the endeavour at forming an opinion, into which I infuse as 
much common sense as possible. I will not talk much, for fear of say- 
ing foolish things; I will still less risk acting much, for fear of doing 
foolish things ; for I am not disposed to abuse the confidence which the 
Americans have kindly placed in me. Such is the plan of conduct 
which I have followed until new, and which I shall continue to follow ;, 
but when some ideas occur to me, which I believe may become useful 
when properly rectified, I hasten to impart them to a great judge, 
who is good enough to say that he is pleased with them. On the 
other hand, when my heart tells me that a favourable opportunity 
offers, I cannot refuse myself the pleasure of participating in the peril, 
but I do not think that the vanity of success ought to make us risk the 
safety of an army, or of any portion of it, which may not be formed 
or calculated for the offensive. If I could make an axiom, with the 



58 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

certainty of not saying a foolish thing, I should venture to add 
that, whatever may be our force, we must content ourselves with a 
completely defensive plan, with the exception, however, of the mo- 
ment when we may be forced to action, because I think I have per- 
ceived that the English troops are more astonished by a brisk attack 
than by a firm resistance. 

" This letter will be given you by the celebrated Adams, whose 
name must undoubtedly be known to you. As I have never allowed 
myself to quit the army, I have not been able to see him. He wished 
that I should give him letters of introduction to France, especially 
to yourself. May I hope that you will have the goodness of 
receiving him kindly, and even of giving him some information 
respecting the present state of affairs. I fancied you would not be 
sorry to converse with a man whose merit is so universally acknowl- 
edged. He desires ardently to succeed in obtaining the esteem of our 
E.ation. One of his friends himself told me so. '^ 



CHAPTER VIL 

Dissensions, painful to Lafayette— Conway^s Cabal — Lafayette re« 
mains faithful to Gen. Washington — Correspondence between 
them — Lafayette hears of the birth of a daughter — Determines to 
remain in America — Letter to Madame Lafayette — Expedition 
against Canada — Lafayette appointed to the command — Rebukes 
the enemies of Washington — Journey to Albany — Difficulties en- 
countered — Letters to Gen. Washington — Lafayette's liberality — 
Visit to the Indian tribes — Letter to Baron Steuben — Expedition 
abandoned — Approbating resolution of Congress — Lafayette re-, 
turns to head-quarters — Conway's confession. 

The dissensions which were about this time manifested 
in Congress and in the army, gave much pain to Lafayette, 
They were not extensive, but assumed a temporary organi- 
zation under an intrigue known in history as " Conway's 
Cabal." An account of it is given by Mr. Sparks, in the 
appendix, Vol. V,, of the Writings of Washington. The 
principal authors of the cabal, were Generals Gates, Miff- 
lin, and Conway, and its object was supposed to be, {to 
produce the removal or resignation of General Washing- 
ton, and the appointment in his stead of General Gates^ 
as Commander-in-chief of the Continental armies. It was 
so far successful as to induce the appointment of Conway 
as Inspector-General of the army, contrary to the advice of 
General Washington^ and the institution by Congress of a 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 59 

Board of War, to which large powers were granted, of 
which Gates and Mifflin were members, and Gates was 
made President. By acting contrary to his views, and 
without consulting him, this board occasioned to General 
"Washington painful embarrassments. 

Throughout the progress and development of this cabal, 
Lafayette remained the firm and zealous friend of Washing- 
ton, in spite of strenuous efforts to shake his confidence 
and fidelity. In an early stage of it, he wrote to General 
Washington, dated 30th December, 1777. 

" My dear General, — I went yesterday morning to head-quarters 
with an intention of speaking to your excellency, but you were too 
busy, and I shall lay down in this letter what I wished to say. 

" I don't need to tell you that I am sorry for all that has happened 
for some time past. It is a necessary dependence of my most tender 
and respectful friendship for you, which affection is as true and can- 
did as the other sentiments of my heart, and much stronger than so 
new an acquaintance seems to admit ; but another reason, to be con- 
cerned in the present circumstances, is my ardent and perhaps en- 
thusiastick wishes for the happiness and liberty of this country. I 
see plainly that America can defend herself if proper measures are 
taken, and now I begin to fear lest she should be lost by herself and 
her own sons. 

" When I was in Europe I thought that here almost every man 
was a lover of liberty, and would rather die free than live a slave. You 
can conceive my astonishment when I saw that toryism was as openly 
professed as whiggism itself: however, at that time I believed that 
all good Americans were united together ; that the confidence of Con- 
gress in you was unbounded. Then I entertained the certitude that 
America would be independent in case she should not lose you. Take 
away, for an instant, that modest diffidence of yourself, (which, par- 
don my freedom, my dear General, is sometimes too great, and I wish 
you could know, as well as myself, what difference there is between 
you and any other man,) you would see very plainly that if you were 
lost for America, there is nobody wlio could keep the army and the 
revolution for six months. There are open dissensions in Congress, 
parties who hate one another as much as the common enemy ; stupid 
men, who, without knowing a single word about war, undertake to 
judge you, to make ridiculous comparisons ; they are infatuated with 
Gates, without thinking of the different circumstances, and believe 
that attacking is the only thing necessary to conquer. Those ideas 
are entertained in their minds by some jealous men, and perhaps 
secret friends to the British Government, who want to push you, in 
a moment of ill humour, to some rash enterprise upon the lines, or 
against a much stronger army. I should not take the liberty of men- 
tioning these particulars to you if I did not receive a letter about this 
matter, from a young good-natured gentleman at York, whom Conway 
has ruined by his cunning, bad advice, but who entertains the great- 
est respect for you." 



60 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

He speaks of the efforts Conway had used to influence 
him, and to induce him to leave the Gountiy, and concludes 
as follows : 

" My desire of deserving your approbation is stronger than ever, 
and everywhere you will employ me you can be certain of my trying 
every exertion in my power to succeed. I am now fixed to your fate, 
and I shall follow it and sustain it as well by my sword as by all 
means in my power. You will pardon my importunity in favour of 
the sentiment which dictated it. Youth and friendship make me, 
perhaps, too warm, but I feel the greatest concern at all that has 
happened for some time since. 

" With the most tender and profound respect, I have the honour 
to be, &c." 

To this letter, Gen. Washington thus replied : . 

" Head-quarters, December 31sf, 1777. 
•' My dear Marquis,— Your favour of yesterday conve5^ed to me 
fresh proof of that friendship and attachment, which I have hap- 
pily experienced since the first of our acquaintance, and for which I 
entertain sentiments of the purest affection. It will ever constitute 
part of my happiness to know that I stand well in your opinion ; be- 
cause I am satisfied that you can have no views to answer by throw- 
ing out false colours, and that you possess a mind too exalted to con- 
descend to low arts and intrigues to acquire a reputation. Happy, 
thrice happy, would it have been for this army and the cause we are 
embarked in, if the same generous spirit had pervaded all the actors 
in it. But one gentleman, whose name you have mentioned, had, I 
am confident, far different views ; his ambition and great desire of 
being puffed off, as one of the first officers of the age, could only be 
equalled by the means which he used to obtain them. But finding 
that I was determined not to go beyond the line of my duty to indulge 
him in the first — nor to exceed the strictest rules of propriety to grati- 
fy him in the second — ^he became my inveterate enemy ; and he has, 
I am persuaded, practised every art to do me an injury, even at the ex- 
pense of reprobating a measure that did not succeed, that he himself 
advised to. How far he may have accomplished his ends, I know 
not ; and except for considerations of a publick nature, I care not ; 
for, it is well known, that neither ambitious nor lucrative motives, 
led me to accept my present appointments, in the discharge of which 
I have endeavoured to observe one steady and uniform system of con. 
duct, which I shall invariably pursue, while I have the honour to 
command, regardless of the tongue of slander, or the powers of de- 
traction. The fatal tendency of disunion is so obvious, that I have, 
in earnest terms, exhorted such officers as have expressed their dis* 
satisfaction at General Conway's promotion, to be cool and dispas- 
sionate in their decision about the matter ; and I have hopes that they 
will not suffer any hasty determination to injure the service. At the 
same time, it must be acknowledged, that officers' feelings upon these 
occasions are not to be restrained, although you may control their 
acti@n&. 



^ LIFE OF LAf AYETTE. 61 

*' The other observations contained in your letter have too much 
truth in them ; and, it is much to be lamented, that things are not now 
as they formerly were. But we must not, in so great a contest, expect 
to meet with nothing but sunshine, I have no doubt that everything 
happens for the best, that we shall triumph over all our misfortunes, 
and, in the end, be happy : when, my dear marquis, if you will give 
me your company in Virginia, we will laugh at our past difficulties 
and the folly of others ; and I will endeavour, by every civility in my 
power, to show you how much, and how sincerely, I am your afFee- 
tionate and obedient servant." 

This answer gave great satisfaction to Lafayette. In 
reply, he said : 

" Every assurance and proof of your affection fills my heart with 
joy, because that sentiment of yours is extremely dear and precious to 
me. A tender and affectionate attachment for you, and an invariable 
frankness, will be found in my mind as you know me better ; but, 
after those merits, I must tell you, that very few others are to be found. 
I never wished so heartily to be intrusted by nature with an immensity 
of talents as on this occasion ; I could then be of some use to your 
glory and happiness, as well as to my own.'' 

The discretion and popularity of Washington were proof 
against this cabal. It came to an end in the spring of 
1778. Conway, its principal instrument, resigned his sta- 
tion in the army, and left the country in disgrace, after 
making a written acknowledgment to Gen. Washington^ 
for the unjust part he had taken in the transaction. 

The solicitude of Lafayette, as a husband and a father, 
was about this time relieved by intelligence of the birth of 
a daughter, his second child. It was natural, however, that 
under these circumstances, his thoughts should be directed 
towards home, and that his presence there should be desired 
and expected. But he determined to remain ; and thus 
justified his noble and patriotick determination, in a letter, 
to Madame de Lafayette, dated — 

" Camp, near Valley Forge, January 6ih, 1778. 
**** * * * ** 

* * u The bearer of this letter will describe to you the resi^ 

dence which I choose in preference to the happiness of being with you, 
with all my friends, in the midst of all possible enjoyments ; in truth, 
my lo^e, do you not believe that powerful reasons are requisite to in-, 
duce a person to make such a sacrifice ? Every thing combined to 
urge me to depart,~honour alone told me to remain ; and when yoa 
learn in detail the circumstances in which I am placed, those in which 
the army, my friend, its commander, and the whole American cause 
were placed, you will not only forgive me, but you will excuse, and I 
may almost venture to say,' applaud me. What a pleasure I shall 

6 



62 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

feel in explaining to you myself all the reasons of my conduct, and, 
in asking, whilst embracing you, a pardon, which I am very certain 
1 shall then obtain ! But do not condemn me before hearing my de. 
'fence. In addition to the reasons I have given you, there is one other 
reason which I would not relate to everyone, because it might appear 
like affecting airs of ridiculous importance. My presence is more 
necessary at this moment to the American cause, than you can possi- 
bly conceive ; many foreigners, who have been refused employment, 
or whose ambitious views have been frustrated, have raised up some 
powerful cabals ; they have endeavoured, by every sort of artifice, to 
make me discontented with this revolution, and with him who is its 
chief: they have spread as widely as they could, the report that I was 
quitting the continent. The English have proclaimed also, loudly, 
the same intention on my side. I cannot in conscience appear to 
justify the malice of these people. If I were to depart, many French, 
men who are useful here would follow my example. General Wash- 
ington would feel very unhappy if I were to speak of quitting him ; 
his confidence in me is greater than I dare acknowledge, on account 
of my youth. In the place he occupies, he is liable to be surrounded 
by flatterers or secret enemies : he finds in me a secure friend, in 
whose bosom he may always confide his most secret thoughts, and who 
will always speak the truth. Not one day passes without his hold- 
ing long conversations with me, writing me long letters, and he has 
the kindness to consult me on the most important matters. A pecu» 
liar circumstance is occurring at this momemt which renders my 
presence of some use to him : this is not the time to speak of my de. 
parture. I am also at present engaged in an interesting correspon. 
dence with the President of Congress. The desire to debase England, 
to promote the advantage of my own country, and the happiness of 
humanity, which is strongly interested in the existence of one perfect, 
ly free nation, all induces me not to depart at the moment when my 
absence might prove injurious to the cause I have embraced. The 
General, also, after a sliglit success in Jersey, requested me, with the 
unanimous consent of Congress, to accept a division in the army, 
and to form it according to my own judgement, as well as my feeble 
resources might permit ; I ought not to have replied to such a mark 
of confidence, by asking what were his commissions for Europe." 

The "interesting correspondence with the President of 
Congress," to which Lafayette alludes in the foregoing let- 
ters, related to a projected expedition against Canada. 
This expedition is said to have been planned by General 
Gates, adopted by the new Board of War, and approved of 
by Congress, without the least consultation on the subject 
with Gen. Washington. Lafayette was appointed to the 
command, with the title of General of the Northern army, 
January 22d, 1778, with the principal design, as he him- 
self suspected, of removing him from the presence, and de- 
detaching him from the interests and confidence of the Com- 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. ®l^ 

mander-in-chief. That these, and kindred efforts proved 
abortive — that his friendship and fidelity could not be sha- 
ken — are the most honourable traits in the character, the 
brightest incidents in the life, of Lafayette. The first 
knowledge Gen. Washington had of the plan, was communi- 
cated to him by Gen. Gates, in a letter which enclosed an- 
other for Lafayette, containing a commission, independent 
of the Commander-in-chief, with orders to repair to Con- 
gress for further instructions. Gen Washington placed 
the communication in Lafayette's hands, with the simple 
remark : " I prefer its being for you rather than for any 
other person." 

Like a true Frenchman, Lafayette was anxious to see 
the ancient French colony wrested from the hands of its 
British conquerors. The appointment to command an ex- 
pedition against Canada, therefore, although the prospects 
of its success were not propitious, was personally gratify- 
ing to him. But determined to take no course which should 
be disrespectful to the feelings or authority of General 
Washington, he hesitated to accept the appointment ; and 
declared at once to three Commissioners of Congress, who 
were then in the camp " that he would never accept of a 
command independent of the General, and that the title of 
his aid-de-camp appeared to him preferable to any other 
that could be offered." General Washington, however, 
although he had little confidence in the success of the expe- 
dition at that season of the year, advised Lafayette to accept 
the appointment, as an honourable station, in which, what- 
ever might be the result, he could not fail to acquit himself 
with credit. He therefore repaired to Yorktown, to make 
the necessary arrangements with the Board of War. On 
his arrival there, he found Gen. Gates, seated at the dinner 
table, in his own house, surrounded by a large party of his 
friends. He was received with cordiality, joined them at 
the table, and when the wine passed round, and toasts were 
given, and the glasses were filled for the toast of Lafayette, 
he gave, " The Commander-in-chief of the American ar- 
mies ! " to the no small confusion of those present, who 
were obliged out of complaisance to drink it. Conway had 
been appointed under Lafayette, with the intention of his 
being second in command ; but Lafayette insisted that the 
Baron de Kalb should accompany him, who being higher 



64 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

in rank^ became second in command, instead of Conway. 
This, and all that he required for the expedition was grant- 
ed ; and it was promised on the part of Gen. Gates, that 
there should be no deficiency of supplies, either as to men 
or means. His instructions from the war office (he states,) 
promised that 2509 men should be assembled at Albany, 
and a large corps of militia at Coos ; that he should have 
two millions in paper money, some specie, and all means 
supplied for crossing Lake Champlain upon the ice, whence 
after having burnt the English flotilla, he was to proceed to 
Montreal, and act there as circumstances might require." 

Under these instructions and promises, the young com- 
mander of the North, not yet 20 years of age, set out in the 
dead of winter, upon his Canada expedition. But he says, 
writing to Madame Lafayette, previous to his departure, 
" The idea of rendering the whole of New France free ; 
and of delivering her from a heavy yoke, is too glorious 
for me to allow myself to dwell upon. The progress of his 
journey, and his feelings, are thus expressed in a letter writ- 
ten by the way^ to Gen. Washington : 

*^ Hemingtown, the 9th February^ 1778. 

*' Dear General, — I cannot let go my guide wiihout taking this 
opportunity of writing to your excellency, though I have not yet pub- 
lick business to speak of. I go on very slowly ; sometimes drench - 
ed by rain, and sometimes covered by snow, and not entertaining 
many handsome thoughts about the projected incursion into Canada ; 
if success were to be had, it would surprise me in a most agreeable 
manner by that very reason that I don*t expect any shining ones. 
Lake Champlain is too cold for producing the least bit of laurel, 
and if I am not starved I shall be as proud as if I had gained three 
battles. 

" Mr. Duer had given to me a rendezvous at a tavern, but nobody 
was to be found there. I fancy that he will be with Mr. Conway 
sooner than he has told me ; they will perhaps conquer Canada be- 
fore ray arrival, and I expect to meet them at the governour's house 
in Quebec. 

' "Could I believe, for one single instant, that this pompous command 
of a northern army will let your excell< ncy forget a little us absent 
friends, then I would send the project to the place it comes from. 
But I dare hope that you will remember me sometimes. I wish you 
very heartily, the greatest publick and private happiness and success. 
It is a very melancholy idea for me that I cannot follow your for- 
tunes as near your person as I could wish ; but my heart will take 
very sincerely, its part of every thing which can happen to you, and 
I am already thinking of the agreeable moment when I may come 
down to assure your excellency of the most tender affection and 
highest respect. I have the honour to be, &c»"' 



LlfE OP LAFAITETTE. 65 

On arriving at Albany, Lafayette found the state of af- 
fairs very different from what he had been led to anticipate ; 
and he unburdened his mind by a full statement, in the fol- 
lowing letters to Gen. Washington : 

"Albany, the V^ih February, 1778. 

*' Dear General, — Why am I so far from you and what business 
had the board of war to hurry me through the ice and snow without 
knowing what I should do, neither what they were doing themselves ? 
You have thought, perhaps, that their project would be attended with 
some difficulty, that some means had been neglected, that I could not 
obtain all the success and that immensity of laurels which they had 
promised to me ; but I defy your excellency to conceive any idea of what 
I have seen since I left the place where I was quiet and near my 
friends, to run myself through all the blunders of madness or treachery 
(God knows what). Let me begin the journal of my fine and giori- 
ous campaign.' 

" According to Lord Stirling's advice, I went by Corich-ferry to 
Ringo's tavern, where Mr. Duer had given me a rendezvous ; but there 
no Duer was to be found, and they did never hear from him. From 
thence I proceeded by the state of New York, and had the pleasure of 
seeing the friends of America as warm in their love for the Commander- 
in-chief as his best friend could wish. I spoke to Governour Clinton, 
and was much satisfied with that gentleman. At length I met Alba* 
ny, the 17th, though I was not expected before the 25th. General 
Conway had been here only three days before me, and I must confess 
I found him very active and looking as if he had good intentions j 
but we know a great deal upon that subject. His first word has been 
that the expedition is quite impossible. I was at first very diffident 
of this report, but have found that he was right. Such is, at least, 
the idea I can form of this ill^concerted operation within these twcr 
days. 

" General Schuyler, General Lincoln, General Arnold, had written, 
before my arrival, to General Conway, in the most expressive termSj 
that, in our present circumstances, there was no possibility to begin, 
now, an enterprise into Canada. Hay, deputy quarter-master-general ; 
Cuyler, deputy commissary-general ; Mearsin, deputy clothier-gener* 
al, in what they call the northern department, are entirely of the same 
opinion. Colonel Hazen, who has been appointed to a place which 
interferes with the three others above mentioned, was the most desi-- 
rous of going there. The reasons of such an order I think I may 
attribute to other motives. The same Hazen confesses we are not 
strong enough to think of the expedition in this moment. As to the 
troops, they are disgusted, and (if you except some Hazen's Canadi- 
ans) reluctant, to the utmost degree, to begin a winter incursion in a 
so cold country. I have consulted everybody, and everybody answers 
me that it would be madness to undertake this operation. 

" I have been deceived by the board of war ; they have, by the 
strongest expressions, promised to me one thousand, and (what is more 
to be depended upon) they have assured to me in writing, two thousand 
and five hundred, combatants^, at a low estimate. Now, Sk, I do not- 

6* 



66 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE, 

believe I can find, in all, twelve hundred fit for duty, and most part 
of those very men are naked, even for a summer's campaign. I was 
to find General Stark with a large body, and indeed General Gates 
had told tome, General Stark will have burnt the fleet before your 
arrival. Well, the first letter I receive in Albany is from General 
Stark, who wishes to know what number of men, from whence, for 
what time, for what rendezvous, I desire him to raise. Colonel Biveld, 
who was to rise too, would have done something had he received money. 
One asks, what encouragement his people will have, the other has no* 
clothes ; not one of them bas received a dollar of w^hat was due to 
them. I have applied to every body, I have begged at every door I 
could these two days, and I see that I could do something were the 
expedition to be begun in five weeks. But you know we have not an 
hour to lose, and indeed it is now rather too late, had we every thing 
in readiness. 

" There is a spirit of dissatisfaction prevailing among the soldiers,, 
and even the officers, which is owing ta their not being paid for some 
time since. This department is much indebted, and as near as I can- 
ascertain, for so short a time, I have already discovered near eight 
hundred thousand dollars due to the continential troops, some militiOy. 
the quarter-master's department, &c. &c. &c. It was with four hun- 
dred thousand dollars, only the half of which is arrived to day, that I 
was to undertake the operation, and satisfy the men under my com- 
mands. I send to Congress the account of those debts. Some clothes, 
by Colonel Hazen's activity, are arrived from Boston, but not enough 
by far, and the greatest part is cut off. 

" We have had intelligence from a deserter, who makes the enemy 
stronger than I thought. There is no such thing as straw on board the 
vessels to burn them. I have sent to Congress a full account of the 
matter; I hope it will open their eyes. What they will resolve upon 
I do not know, but I think I must wait here for their answer. I hav& 
enclosed to the president, copies of the most important letters I had 
received. It would be tedious for your excellency, were I to undertake 
the minutest detail of everything ; it will be sufficient to say that the 
want of men, clothes, money, and the want of time, deprives me of 
all hopes as to this excursion. If it may begin again in the montb 
of June, by the east, I cannot venture to assure ; but for the present 
moment such is the idea I conceive of the famous incursion, as far 
as I may be informed, in a so short time. 

" Your excellency may judge that I am very distressed by this 
disappointment. My being appointed to the command of the expe-^ 
dition is known through the continent, it will be soon known in Eu- 
rope, as I have been desired by members of Congress, to write to my 
friends ; my being at the head of an army, people will be in great 
expectations, and what shall I answer ? 

" I am afraid it will reflect on my reputation, and I shall be laughed 
at. Bly fears upon that subject are so strong, that I would choose to- 
become again only a volunteer, unless Congress ofi:ers the means of 
mending this ugly business by some glorious operation ; but I am 
very far from giving to them the least notice upon that matter. 
General Arnold seems very fond of a diversion against New York,, 
and he is too sick to take the field before four or five months.. I shoiaid 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE* 67 

be happy if something was proposed to me in that way, but I will 
never ask, nor even seem desirous of anything directly from Con- 
gress ; for you, dear general, I know very well, that you will do every 
thing to procure me the only thing I am ambitious of— glory. 

"I think your excellency will approve of my staying here till fur- 
ther orders, and of my taking the liberty of sending my despatches 
to Congress by a very quick occasion, without going through the 
hands of my general ; but I was desirous to acquaint them early of 
my disagreeable and ridiculous situation. 

" With the greates-t affection and respect, I have the honour to be, 



" The ^Zd Fehruarij, 1778. 
*' Dear General, — I have an opportunity of writing to your ex» 
cellency which I will not miss by any means, even should I be afraid 
of becoming tedious and troublesome ; but if they have sent me far 
from you, 1 don't know for what purpose, at least I must make some 
little use of ray pen, to prevent all communication from being cut off 
between your excellency and myself. I have written lately to you 
my distressing, ridiculous, foolish, and indeed, nameless situation. I 
am sent with a great noise, at the head of an army for doing great 
things ; the whole continent, France and Europe herself, and what 
is the worse, the British army, are in great expectations. How far 
they will be deceived, how far we shall be ridiculed, you may judge 
by the candid account you have got of the state of our affairs. 

" There are things, I dare say, in which I am deceived — a certain 
colonel is not here for nothing ; one other gentleman became very 
popular before I went to this place ; Arnold himself is very fond of 
him. Every part on which I turn to look I am sure a cloud is drawn 
before my eyes ; however, there are points I cannot be deceived 
upon. The want of money, the dissatisfaction among the soldiers, 
the. disinclination of every one (except the Canadians who mean to 
stay at home) for this expedition, are as conspicuous as possible j how- 
ever, I am sure I will become very ridiculous, and laughed at. Mj 
expedition will be as famous as the secret expedition against Rhode 
Island. I confess, my dear general, that I find myself of very quick 
feelings whenever my reputation and glory are concerned in anything. 
It is very hard indeed that such a part of my happiness, without 
which I cannot live, should depend upon schemes which I never 
knew of but when there was no time to put them into execution. I 
assure you, my most dear and respected friend, that I am more un- 
happy than I ever was. 

" My desire for doing something was such, that I have thought of 
doing it by surprise with a detachment, but it seems to me rash and 
quite impossible. I should be very happy if you were here to give 
me some advice ; but I have nobody to consult with. They have 
sent to me more than twenty French ofiicers ; I do not know what to 
do with them : I beg you will acquaint me the line of conduct you 
advise me to follow on every point. I am at a loss how to act, and 
indeed I do not know what I am here for myself. However, as being 
the eldest officer, (after General Arnold has desired me to take Ihe 



68 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE, 

command,) I think it is my duty to mind the business of this part (jf 
America as well as I can. General Gates holds yet the title and 
power of Commander-in-chief of the Northern department ; but, as 
two hundred thousand dollars are arrived, I have taken upon myself 
to pay the most necessary part of the debts we are involved in. I am 
about sending provisions to Fort Schuyler ; I will go to see the fort, 
I will try to get some clothes for the troops, to buy some articles for 
the next campaign. I have directed some money to be borrowed 
upon my credit to satisfy the troops, who are much discontented. 
In all I endeavour to do for the best, though I have no particular au. 
thority or instructions ; and I will come as near as I can to General 
Gates' intentions, but I want much to get an answer to my letters. 

" I fancy (between us) that the actual scheme is to have me out of 
this part of the continent, and General Conway in chief, under the 
immediate direction of General Gates. How they will bring it up I 
do not know, but you may be sure something of that kind will appear. 
You are nearer than myself, and every honest man in Congress is 
your friend ; therefore you may foresee and prevent, if possible, the 
evil, a hundred times better than I can ; I would only give that idea 
to your excellency. 

" After having written in Europe (by the desire of the members of 
Congress) so many fine things about my commanding an army, I shall 
be ashamed if nothing can be done by me in that way. I am told Gen- 
eral Putnam is recalled : but your excellency knows better than I do 
what would be convenient, therefore I don't want to mind these things 
myself. 

" Will you be so good as to present my respects to your lady. 
With the most tender affection and highest respect, I have the hon- 
our to be, Lafayette." 

To these letters Gen. Washington replied : 

" Head.quarters, 10th March, 1778, 
*' My Dear Marquis, — I have had the pleasure of receiving you? 
two favours of the 19th and 23d of February, and hasten to dispel 
those fears respecting your reputation, which are excited only by an 
uncommon degree of sensibility. You seem to apprehend that cen-. 
Sure proportioned to the disappointed expectations of the world, will 
fall on you in consequence of the failure of the Canadian expedi- 
tion. But, in the first place, it will be no disadvantage to you to 
have it known in Europe that you had received so manifest a proof 
of the good opinion and confidence of Congress as an important de- 
tached command ; and I am persuaded that every one will applaud 
your prudence in renouncing a project, in pursuing which you would 
vainly have attempted physical impossibilities ; indeed, unless you 
can be chargeable with the invariable effects of natural causes, and 
be arraigned for not suspending the course of the seasons, to accom-- 
modate your march over the lake, the most prompt to slander can 
have nothing to found blame upon. 

" However sensibly your ardour for glory may make you feel this 
disappointment, you may be assured that your character stands as 
fair as ever it did, and that no new enterprise is necessary to wipe off 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 69 

this imaginary stain. The expedition which you hint at I think unad- 
visable in our present circumstances. Anything in the way of a for- 
mal attack, which would necessarily be announced to the enemy by 
preparatory measures, would not be likely to succeed. If a stroke is 
meditated in that quarter, it must be effected by troops stationed at a 
proper distance for availing themselves of the first favourable oppor- 
tunity offered by the enemy, and success would principally depend 
upon the suddenness of the attempt. This, therefore, must rather be 
the effect of time and chance than premeditation. You undoubtedly 
have determined judiciously in waiting the further orders of Congress. 
Whether they allow me the pleasure of seeing you shortly, or destine 
you to a longer absence, you may assure yourself of the sincere good 
wishes of, Dear Sir, &c. 

" P. S. Your directing payment of such debts as appear to be mofct 
pressing is certainly right. There is not money enough to answer 
every demand; and I wish your supplies of clothing had been better. 
Your ordering a large supply of provisions into Fort Schuyler was a 
very judicious measure, and I thank you for it.^ 

Under these circumstances, Lafayette deemed it rash to 
proceed ; and his prudence was highly approved of by all 
who were attached to the expedition, Mr. Duane, writing 
to Gov. Clinton, said of Lafayette : •' His zeal for this 
country, of which he has given marks, even to enthusiasm, 
and his ardent desire of glory, leave him to wish the expedi- 
tion practicable, but he is too considerate to pursue it rashly, 
or without probable grounds for a successful issue. 1 must 
mention to your excellency a circumstance which shows the 
liberality of his disposition. He determined, on his enter- 
ing into Canada, to supply his army through his own pri- 
vate bills on France, to the amount of five or six thousand 
guineas, and to present that sum to Congress, as a proof of 
his love to America and the rights of human nature." 

While awaiting the decision of Congress, Lafayette 
adopted measures to conciliate the Indian tribes. He attend- 
ed with Gen Schuyler and Col. Duano, superintendents of 
Indian affairs in that quarter, a council at Johnstown, at 
which five hundred Indians, men, women, and children, in 
savage costume, covered with various coloured paints and 
feathers, with their ears cut open, their noses ornamented 
with rings, and their half naked bodies marked with differ- 
ent figures, were present. Lafayette reminded them of 
their former friendship with the French. He distributed to 
them money, in gold pieces, and goods, and was adopted into 
their tribe under the name of Kayewla, which formerly be- 



70 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE, 

longed to one of their warrlours, and under this name he 
was afterwards known to the Indians, over all the tribes of 
which he exercised a beneficial influence, in all the negoti- 
ations which became necessary during the remainder of the 
war. 

Nor did he neglect any opportunity to express his friend- 
ship for the Commander-in-chief; to render justice to his 
character, and to strengthen the confidence of the army in 
that great and good man, upon whom so essentially depend- 
ed the destinies, the existence, the liberties, of his country. 
In a letter to Baron de Steuben, dated at Albany, March 12, 
he says : 

"Permit me to express my satisfaction at your having seen General 
Washington. No enemies to that great man can be found except 
among the enemies to his country ; nor is it possible for any man of 
a noble spirit to refrain from loving the excellent qualities of his heart. 
I think I know him as well as any person, and such is the idea 
which I have formed of him ; his honesty, his frankness, his sensibili- 
ty, his virtue, to the full extent in which this word can be understood, 
are above all praise. It is not for me to judge of his military talents ; 
but, according to my imperfect knowledge of these ipatters, his advice 
in council has always appeared to me the best, although his modesty 
prevents him sometimes from sustaining it ; and his predictions have 
generally been fulfilled. I am the more happy in giving you this 
opinion of my friend with all the sincerity which I feel, because some 
persons may perhaps attempt to deceive you on this point." 

The Baron Steuben was a Prussian officer who had re- 
cently arrived in the United States and repaired to the 
camp at Valley Forge. He came with ample recommenda- 
tions. He had served in the armies of the Great Frederick, 
and it is well known that as a disciplinarian he rendered 
important services to this country during the remainder of 
the revolutionary war. 

At length on the 7th of March, in conformity to represen- 
tations of Lafayette and others, Congress resolved to instruct 
the Marquis de Lafayette to suspend the expedition into 
Canada, and at the same time to assure him, " that Con- 
gress entertain a high sense of his prudence, activity and 
zeal, and that they are fully persuaded nothing has or would 
have been wanting on his part, or on the part of the officers 
who accompanied him, to give the expedition the utmost pos- 
sible effect. On the 20th March, Gen. Washington wrote to 
Lafayette, desiring him, in pursuance to a resolve of Con- 
gress of the 13th, "without loss of time to return to the 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 7"! 

camp, to resume the command of a division of this army, 
and that you will communicate a similar order to Major- 
General de Kalb." He therefore returned to Head-quar- 
ters, at Valley Forge, and resumed the command of his 
division, the first week in April. Baron de Kalb soon fol- 
lowed. Conway was therefore left in command at Albany. 
Shortly after, however, in a fit of passion and arrogance 
he intimated to Congress a wish to resign. Congress, 
by this time acquainted with his character, resolved that 
his resignation be accepted, and he was succeeded in the 
office of inspector-general by Baron Steuben. He repaired 
to Philadelphia, and being severely wounded in a duel with 
an American officer, Gen. Cadwallader, supposing himself 
at the point of death, he wrote to Gen. Washington, (July 
23d, 1778,) expressing sincere grief for what he had done, 
written, and said against him. " My career, (he wrote,) 
will soon be over ; therefore justice and truth prompt me 
to declare my last sentiments. You are in my eyes the 
great and good man. May you long enjoy the love, venera- 
tion and esteem of these states, whose liberties vou have 
asserted by your virtues." Contrary to expectation, he 
recovered from his wound, and soon after returned in dis- 
grace to France. Not a vestige was henceforth left of the 
" Conway Cabal," and Lafayette participated with Wash- 
ington in the triumph of virtue and integrity, over ambition 
and intrigue. 



CHAPTER VHI. 

Preparations for the Campaign of 1778— Influence abroad of Lafay* 
ette's example — American commissioners in Paris — Policy of the 
French government — Favourable impressions in Europe — Joy in 
France at American success— Prospects of an alliance — Lord 
North's Conciliatory Bills — Treatise between France and the Uni- 
ted States — Celebration of this event — New oath of allegiance — • 
Administered by Lafayette — Objection by Woodford's brigade— Ob- 
viated by Lafayette — Campaign commences — Affair of Barren 
Hill — Masterly retreat of Lafayette — Its importance — Anxiety of 
General Washington — Lafayette's affection — Death of his daughter 
— Letter thereon — The domestick and social virtues commended. 

Amidst the suffering of the army at Valley Forge, in 
the winter of 1777-8, Gen. Washington had diligently de- 



T2 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

vised measures, not only to relieve present suffering.®, but 
for future and efficient operations. He consulted with the 
officers of the army, and took their opinions in writing. 
He urged the consideration of the subject earnestly upon 
Congress. A committe ^ of five members of that body re- 
paired to the camp, with full powers to consult with the 
Commander-in-chief; and the outlines of a new and im- 
proved system of operations were recommended to, and 
finally adopted by Congress. The several states lent their 
co-operation ; and the prospects which brightened upon the 
American army in the spring of 1778, were harbingers of 
the successes which were to follow. 

The example of Lafayette in openly espousing the Ameri- 
can cause, and quitting his kindred and country to fight its 
battles, contrary to the wishes and policy of his government ; 
the account of his reception and the brilliant commence- 
ment of his military career, had produced in France a fa- 
vourable influence, which co-operated with the efforts of the 
American commissioners, Deane, Franklin and Lee, in our 
behalf. The French people naturally sympathized with 
those of America. It was the policy of the French gov- 
ernment to embrace every opportunity of humbling the 
pride and power of Great-Britain ; and she had been hith- 
erto restrained from openly espousing the cause of the 
Colonies, from a doubt of their intention and ability to 
maintain their independence. Not only in France but 
throughout Europe, the capture of Burgoyne's army, and 
the attacks of Gen. Washington upon the British army at 
Brandywine and Germantown, evidences of unexpected 
skill and valour, produced a great and favourable sensation. 
The commissioners stated, under date of Dec. i 8th, 1777, 
that the news of Burgoyne's defeat and surrender, " appa- 
rently occasioned as much general joy in France, as if it 
had been a victory of their own troops, over their own ene- 
mies ; such is the universal, warm, and sincere good will and 
attachment to us and our cause in this nation." On the 
next day, (Dec. 19,) Mr. Lee wrote to tSamuel Adams : 
"The last ray of British splendour is passing away, and 
the American sun is emerging in full glory from the 
clouds which obscured it. His most Christian majesty has 
assured us, in the most explicit terms, that he will enter into 
a treaty with us as soon as the courier returns from Spain ; 



LlfE OP LAFAYEttiE. 73 

and will maintain our independence with arms if* necessaryb 
The only stipulation he requires, is, that we shall not re- 
nounce our independence when we make peace ; a condi- 
tion to which I believe we have no insuperable objection 
or reluctance." 

It was doubtless the anticipation or knowledge of such 
an event, which induced Lord North to recommend, and 
the British parliament to adopt, his famous " Conciliatory 
Bills" for settling the difficulties with the revolted colonies. 
They proposed a relaxation in the system of taxation, and 
the "granting of pardon," to those who would submit, on 
the proposed conditions — but neither a reparation of past 
wrongs, nor the acknowledgment of independence. Three 
commissioners, Lord Carlisle, Governour Johnstone, and 
William Eden, arrived in New York about the middle of 
April, authorized to negotiate on the basis of these bills. 
The bills were printed and widely circulated, for the insid- 
ious purpose of creating disaffection among the people of 
the colonies. The commissioners repaired first to the Head- 
quarters of Gen. Washington, and from thence despatched 
their papers to Congress, who promptly resolved not to 
negotiate upon the terms proposed. 

Ten days thereafter, on the 2d of May, despatches were 
received by Congress, communicating the acknowledge 
ment by France of the independence of the United States, 
in treaties of amity and commerce, and of defensive alliance^ 
entered into by the American commissioners at Paris and 
the French government, on the 6th of February. 

This intelligence was received in the armies, and through^ 
out the continent, with every demonstration of joy. The 
army at Valley Forge were anxious to manifest their joy 
upon the occasion ; and, on the 5th of May, Washington 
issued the following general orders : 

" Head QuarUrs, Camp, Valley Forge, \ 
May 5th, 1778, \ 

" It having pleased the Almighty Ruler of the universe propitiously 
to defend the cause of the United American States, and finally, by 
raising us up a powerful friend among the Princes of the Earth, 
to establish our liberty and independence on a lasting foundation ; it 
becomes us to set apart a day for gratefully acknowledging the divine 
goodness, and celebrating the important event which we owe to His 
Senign interposition. 

" The several brigades are to be assembled for this purpose at nine 

7 



^4 LIFE 0^ XiAFAYETTEi 

o'clock to-morrow morning, when their Chaplains will commtinicate 
the intelligence contained in the Postscript to the Pennsylvania Gazette 
of the second instant, and offer up a thanksgiving, and deliver a dis- 
course suitable to the occasion. 

"At half past ten o'clock a cannon will be fired, which is to be a 
signal for the men to be under arms. The Brigade Inspectors will 
then inspect their dress and arms, form the battalions according to the 
instructions given them, and announce to the commanding officers of 
brigades that the battalions are formed. The brigadiers and com- 
mandants will then appoint tile fifild officers to command the bat- 
talions ; after which, each battalion will be ordered to load and 
ground their arms. — At half past eleven, another cannon will be fired 
as a signal for the march ; on which the several brigades will begin 
their march by wheeling to the right by platoons, and proceed by the 
nearest way to the left of their ground, in the new position that will 
be pointed out by the Brigade Inspectors. — A third signal will be 
given, on which ttaere will be a discharge of thirteen cannon ; when 
the thirteenth has fired, a running fire of the infantry will begin on 
the right of Woodford's and continue throughout the whole front line ; 
it will then be taken up on the left of the second line and continue to 
the right-— on a signal given, the whole army v*?^ill huzza-^Lon^ live 
the King of France i 

" The artillery will then begin again, and fire thirteen rounds. 
This will be succeeded by a second general discharge of the musketry 
in a running ^ve-^Huzza ! long live the friendly Etcropean Powers ! 
Then the last discharge of thirteen pieces of artillery will be given, 
followed by a genera,l running fire-^^Huzza for the A.merican States ! '* 

These orders were executed with spirited and splendid 
effect. The Commander-in-chief gave a publick dinner, at 
which all the officers of the army were present. As the 
representative of France in the army of America, Lafayette 
took a conspicuous part in these demonstrations ; and to 
no one did the event commemorated, afford greater and 
more honourable satisfaction. 

As a renewed pledge of the independence of Americaj 
Congress had, (Feb. 3d, 1778,) prescribed the following 
oath of allegiance and abjuration, which was to be taken 
by all officers, civil and military : " I do acknowledge the 
United States of America to be free, independent, and sov- 
ereign states, and declare that the people thereof owe no 
allegiance or obedience to George the Third, King of Great 
Britain ; and I renounce, refuse, and abjure any nllpgiance 
or obedience to him, and I do swear (or affirm,) that I will 
to the ut.most of my power, support, maintain, and defend 
the United States against the said King George the Third 
and his heirs and successors, and his and their abettors, as- 
sistants, and adherents, and will serve the United States in 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 75 

the office which I now hold, with fidelity, according to the 
best of my skill and understanding." 

This oath had been administered by Gen. Lafayette to the 
officers of the northern army, previous to his leaving Albany. 
The administration of it in the army at Valley Forge, had 
been, from the state of the army and what were deemed 
"strong reasons," deferred until after the intelligence of the 
treaties with France was received. In administering the 
oath to a portion of his division, Lafayette experienced some 
difficulty. Twenty-six of the officers of Gen, Woodford's 
brigade, declined taking the oath, and presented a remon- 
strance to Lafayette, containing their reasons. This paper 
was submitted by Lafayette to Gen. Washington, asking his 
further instructions. In reply, (May 17th,) Gen. Wash- 
ington said : " I thank you much for the courteous delicacy 
used in communicating the matter to me. As every oath 
should be a free act of the mind, founded on the conviction 
of its propriety, I would not wish in any instance, that there 
should be the least degree of compulsion exercised ; nor to 
interpose my opinion, in order to induce any to make it of 
whom it is required. The gentlemen, therefore, who signed 
the paper, will use their own discretion in the matter, and 
swear, or not swear, as their conscienees and feelings dic- 
tate." At the same time, he briefly justified the tenour of 
the oath and the propriety of taking it. These noble sen. 
timents of toleration, with the delicate persuasions of Lafay- 
ette, had their effect; and the next day, (May 18,) Lafayette 
writes to the Commander-in-chief: "I have taken the oath 
of the gentlemen in Gen. Woodford's brigade, and the certi- 
ficates have been sent to the Adjutant-General's office." 

The alliance with France, was generally considered as 
decisive of the independence of America ; and fears were 
entertained by discreet men, that Congress and the Com- 
mander-in-chief, would relax in their military preparations. 
Such, however, was not the case. These preparations 
were continued with increased energy, and it was earnestly 
recommended to every state to complete its quota of conti- 
nental troops, and to hold its militia ready for service. The 
committee of foreign affairs in Congress, writing to the 
American commissioners in Paris, May 14, say: — 

" Our affairs have now a universally good appearance. Every 
thing at home and abra*'.d, seems verging towards a happy and per- 



76 UFE OP LAFAYETTE. 

manent period. We are preparing for either war or peace ;. for aL 
though we are fully persuaded that our enemies are wearied, beaten, 
and in despair, yet we shall not presume too much on that belief; 
and the rather, as it is our fixed determination to admit no terms of 
peace, but such as are fully in character with the dignity of independ- 
ent states, and consistent with the spirit and intention of our allian- 
ces on the continent of Europe." 

The British ministry, however, in its obstinacy and folly, 
was resolved to continue the war. Immediately on hear- 
ing of the treaties of the United States with France, hos- 
tilities had been commenced against that power. 

The British army, under Sir William Howe, had occu- 
pied Philadelphia during the winter and until late in the 
month of May, without attempting any enterprise, corres- 
ponding to the superiority of their force. They had con- 
fined their operations to depredating on the inhabitants of 
the surrounding country, without attempting to molest Gen. 
Washington, whose encampment was within twenty miles 
of the city. The British force in Philadelphia was at this 
time about nineteen thousand ; while the American army 
at Valley Forge, numbered on the 8th of May, only eleven 
thousand eight hundred. Sir Henry Clinton had succeed- 
ed Sir William Howe in the command at Philadelphia, and 
the vigilance of General Washington had discovered indi- 
cations of the enemy's intention to evacuate that city. 

On the 18th of May, Lafayette was detached by Gen. 
Washington, with a valuable corps of about two thousand 
men, and five pieces of cannon. The purposes, as stated 
in the instructions, were, " to be a security to this camp, and 
a cover to the country, between the Delaware and Schuyl- 
kill, to intercept the communication with Philadelphia, to 
obstruct the incursions of the enemy's parties, and to obtain 
intelligence of their motions and designs." " You will re- 
member (says the instructions,) that your detachment is a 
very valuable one, and that any accident happening to it, 
would be a severe blow to the army ; you will therefore 
use every possible precaution for its security, and to guard 
against a surprise." Having marched agreeably to these 
instructions, Lafayette took post at Barren Hillj on the 
south side of the Schuylkill, about equal distance, ten miles, 
from Valley Forge and Philadelphia. His position was well 
chosen, his right resting upon some rocky precipices and 
the river, his left on some woods and strong stone houses. 



LIFE OP LAFAYETTE, 77 

Five pieces of cannon were in front, and a few yards in ad- 
vance of his left wing were Capt. M'Lane's company, and 
about fifty Indians. He had stationed videttes on the roads 
leading to Philadelphia, and directed those towards White- 
marsh to be watched by six hundred Pennsylvania mihtia. 
Intelligence of Lafayette's movements and position were 
communicated by a spy to the British commander in Phil- 
adelphia ; who is stated by Lafayette and Marshall, to have 
been Gen. Howe, and in Washington's Writings, by Mr. 
Sparks, to have been Gen. Clinton. We have consulted 
all, and copy something of our account from each, and also 
from Chastellux. Gen. Howe, (and xMarshall states it to 
have been his last act as commander of the British for- 
ces in Philadelphia,) immediately formed a plan of sur^ 
prising Lafayette. So confident was Howe, that he 
should take the marquis, that he invited some ladies to 
meet him the next day at supper, and while the principal 
part of the officers were at the theatre, [the English had 
brought with them from New York a company of players, 
and the officers themselves frequently performed the princi- 
pal characters,] he put in movement the main body of his 
forces, which he marched in three columns. One of these, 
with five thousand select troops under General Grant, took 
the road which leads up the Delaware, diverging from Bar- 
ren Hill, and passing Whitemarsh, reached a position 
about a mile in rear of Lafayette, between him and Valley 
Forge, a little before sunrise. Here the roads fork, the 
one leading to the camp of Lafayette, and the other to- 
Martin's Ford, over the Schuylkill. Another strong detach- 
ment, under Gen. Gray, advanced up the Schuylkill on its 
south side along the ridge road, and took post at a ford, in 
front of the right flank of Lafayette. The other and main 
column, supposed to have been commanded by Gen. Howe 
in person, took the direct road, passing by Schuylkill Falls 
and along the river, to Barren Hill. 

On the morning of the 20th, while Lafayette was con- 
versing with a girl, who had consented to go into Philadel- 
phia for intelligence, under pretence of visiting her relations, 
he was informed that a body of dragoons, dressed in red, 
had been seen at Whitemarsh. He at first supposed they 
were a detachment of American dragoons, in red uniform^^. 

•7* 



W MFE OP LAFAYETTE. 

which he had expected to join him in that direction. This im;. 
pression was the more natural, as he supposed the Pennsyl» 
vania militia still occupied the road toWhitemarsh; but they 
had changed their position without his knowledge, and left 
this important pass open to the enemy. He was soon unde- 
ceived, and found that the three columns of the enemy were 
marching upon him in all directions. A ludicrous diver- 
sion took place in this critical moment. The fifty savages 
whom Lafayette had with him, had been placed in ambush, 
after their own fashion, lying close to the ground as rabbits. 
Fifty English dragoons, who had never seen an Indian, 
marching at the head of the column, entered the woods 
where they were hid. A mutual fright took place. The 
Indians, starting up, raised a horrible yell, threw down their 
arms, and escaped across the Schuylkill. The dragoons 
on the other hand, as much terrified as the Indians, turned 
about their horses, and did not recover their panick until 
they got back to Philadelphia. 

Lafayette comprehended at once his danger, and that his 
only course was a retreat. He manifested, however, great 
presence of mind, and, as was seen in the sequel, unparalleled 
skill and bravery. Learning that Swede's Ford, on the di- 
rect road to Valley Forge, was in possession of the enemy, 
he commenced a quick march, but in the most complete or- 
der, to Matson's Ford. General Grant occupied the heights, 
beneath which lay the road over which Lafayette was to 
pass, and which was partially concealed by woods. In or- 
der to deceive Grant into a belief that he was marching to 
attack him, instead of retreating, he detached several small 
parties, with orders to exhibit themselves at several points^ 
as heads of columns. Grant, supposing from the exhibition 
of these false heads of columns, that the whole army was in 
the rear, halted his troops and prepared for an attack. Im- 
proving the time thus gained, Lafayette reached Matson's 
Ford ; his heads of columns, gradually fell back and joined, 
him : the whole army passed safe over, took possession of 
the high grounds, on the other side of the river, and formed 
in the order of battle. When the English columns, thus, 
out.generaled, came up, they found Lafayette so advantage- 
ously posted that they did not dare to attack him. " The 
English (says Chastellux,) findingthe bird flown, returned 



LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. 



79 



to Philadelphia, spent with fatigue, and ashamed of having 
done nothing. The ladies did not see M. de Lafayette, and 
General Howe himself arrived too late for supper." 




RETREAT OF BARREN HILL, 



This affair was designated by Gen. Washington in his 
communication to Congress, as a " timely and handsome re- 
treat." Its importance may be appreciated from the fact, 
that the detachment comprised some of the choicest, and 
about one third, of the troops constituting the efficient force 
of the army of Valley Forge. The danger with which it 
was threatened, was perceived from the camp, soon after it 
was communicated to Lafayette. Alarm guns were fired 
to announce it to him, and the whole army was put under 
arms, to act as circumstances might require. Marshall 
says, he was then in camp, and saw the Commander-in- 
chief, accompanied by his aids and some general officers, 
ride, soon after sunrise, to the summit of the hill, on the 
side of which the huts were constructed, and look anx- 
iously towards the scene of action, through a glass. He 
witnessed, too, the joy with which they returned after the 
detachment had crossed the Schuylkill. Lafayette return- 
ing to the camp the same day with his detachment, having 
accomplished the purposes of the expedition, was welcomed 
with like demonstrations of joy, and received the approba- 
tion and thanks of Gen. Washington. His whole loss was 
nine men ; that of the enemy was much greater. 

While these brilliant events were occurring, Lafayette 



80 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

had received the afflicting domestick intelligence of the 
death of Flenriette, his eldest, and at the time he left France^ 
his only, daughter. On this occasion he wrote to Madame 
Lafayette, (June 16, 1778 :) " What a dreadful thing is 
absence ! I never experienced before all the horrours of sep- 
aration. My own deep sorrow is aggravated by the feel- 
ing that I am not able to share, and sympathise in your 
anguish. The length of time that had elapsed before I 
heard of this event, had also increased my misery. Con- 
sider, my love, what a dreadful thing it must be to weep for 
what I have lost, and tremble for what remains. The dis- 
tance between Europe and America appears to me more 
enormous than ever. The loss of our poor child is almost 
constantly in my thoughts ; this sad news followed imme- 
diately that of the treaty, and while my heart was torn by 
^rief, I was obliged to receive, and take part in expressions 
of publick joy." ******* If the unfortunate 
news had reached me sooner, I should have set out immedi- 
ately to rejoin you ; but the account of the treaty, which 
we received the first of May, prevented my leaving this 
country. The opening campaign does not allow me to re- 
tire. I have always been perfectly convinced, that by serv- 
ing the cause of humanity, and that of America, I serve 
also the interest of France." 

The above and similar extracts from the correspondence 
of Lafayette, we trust will not be deemed incompatible 
with the legitimate purposes of biography. We present him, 
and such is our desire, as one among the few examples of 
publick and private virtues, of goodness and greatness, uni- 
ted in the same person ; and as an illustration of the truth, 
that the stern exhibitions of valour in the tented field are 
not incompatible with the tender and cherished affections 
of domestick life. These attributes combined, form the 
most perfect character — whose examples are most beneficial 
to mankind, and whose name is most worthy to be cherished 
and perpetuated upon the records of history. Talk of lib- 
erty ! How can liberty exist without virtue? And where 
is virtue to be found — where is it germinated — where does 
it bud and blossom, and bear fruit, if it is not around the 
domestick fire-side and in the social circle I 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 81 



CHAPTER IX. 

The British army evacuates Philadelphia — Pursuit by the Americans 
— Lee and a majority of officers oppose an attack — Lafayette con- 
curs with Washington, Greene, and others, in favour of it — Lee 
declines the command of the advanced corps — Conferred on La- 
fayette — His instructions — Yields to Lee's solicitations — Vacilla- 
ting conduct of Lee — Battle of Monmouth — Arrival of the French 
fleet, under Count D'Estaing — It repairs to Newport — Gratification 
of Lafayette — Is appointed to co-operate with his countrymen — - 
.Gen. Greene sent to participate in the command — Correspondence 
of Washington and Lafayette on the occasion. 

At length, on the morning of the 18th of June, the BriU 
ish array evacuated Philadelphia. It crossed the Delaware, 
and commenced its cumbrous march, through New Jersey, 
for the city of New York. Gen. Washington immediately 
sent out several detachments, to watch and harass the ene- 
my. The principal bridges had been previously destroyed^ 
and the roads obstructed with trees, &;c. by the Americans, 
The whole army followed, and on the 22d of June passed 
into New Jersey, at Coryell's Ferry, and encamped at Hope» 
well, about five miles from Princeton. In the mean timcj^ 
(June 24,) the British army had encamped at Hopetownj 
Sir Henry Clinton being for some days at a loss what course 
to take from thence. A council of war had been held by 
Gen. Washington, while the British were crossing the Del- 
aware) at which the propriety of risking a general engage- 
ment with the enemy, should an opportunity present, or 
merely harassing them on their march, and avoiding an 
engagement, was discussed. General Lee was decidedly 
against an engagement, and a majority of the officers con- 
curred with him. Washington himself, with Lafayette, 
Greene and Wayne, were of a different opinion. In a coun- 
cil at Hopewell, the question was again discussed. Lee per- 
sisted in his opinion, and that it was most prudent to pass 
to the Hudson, without hazarding a partial or general at» 
tack. Lafayette corresponded in his views, as he uniformly 
did, with Gen. Washington, He was about the last to 



82 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. 

speak, and contended that it would be disgraceful to the of- 
ficers and humiliating for the troops, to allow the enemy 
to traverse the Jerseys unmolested ; that without running 
an imprudent risk, the rear-guard at least of the British 
might be attacked ; that it was best to follow the enemy, 
manoeuvre with prudence, and take advantage of circum- 
stances, even to the hazard of a general battle. These 
views were concurred in by Duportail, chief of the engi- 
neers, and an excellent officer, and by Generals Greene, 
Steuben, Wayne, and Patterson. Other officers soon yield- 
ed their assent. Gen. Washington had uniformly been in- 
duced to seek an engagement ; and, although embarrassed 
by the divided views of his officers, had, with a decision of 
character that always distinguished him, formed his plans 
accordingly. He detached Morgan with his lighthorse to 
harrass the right flank of the enemy, while Maxwell and 
Dickinson annoyed them on the left, and Gen. Cadwallader 
in the rear : the main body of the army moved forward to 
Kingston. Sir Henry Clinton, having decided upon the 
route to pursue, commenced his march, on the 25th, on the 
road to Monmouth Court-House. Apprised of this, Wash- 
ington detached Gen. Wayne with one thousand selectmen, 
to join and co-operate with the corps under Cadwallader,, 
Dickinson, and Morgan. These corps now amounting 
to about four thousand men, he resolved, for the purpose of 
simultaneous and important action, to place them under the 
command of a major-general. As the senior officer, next 
in rank to the Commander-in-chief, Gen. Lee was en- 
titled to command these advanced detachments. But, dis- 
approving the plans of the Commander-in-chief, and be- 
lieving and having predicted, their failure, he consented 
that the command should be given to Lafayette, who was 
willing and anxious to accept it. He therefore pro- 
ceeded under the following instructions, from General 
Washington : 

" You are immediately to proceed with the detachment command- 
ed by General Poor, and form a junction as expeditiously as possible 
with that under the command of General Scott. You are to use the 
most effectual means for gaining the enemy's left flank and rear, and 
giving them every means of annoyance. All continental parties, 
that are already on the lines, will be under your command, and you 
will take such measures, in concert with General Dickinson, as will 
cause the enemy the greatest impediment and loss in their march* 



LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. 83 

For these purposes you will attack them as occasion may require by 
detachment, and, if a proper opening should be given, by operating 
against them with the w^hole force of your command. You will 
naturally take such precautions as will secure you against surprise, 
and maintain your communication with this army. Given at 
Kingston, this 25th day of June, 1778." 

In the mean time, Lee had repented of having declined 
the command. He soUcited Lafayette to relinquish it; 
then yielded, and again soHcited. " It is my fortune and 
honour," said he to Lafayette, " that are placed in your 
hands : you are too generous to cause the loss of both," 
Ever noble and generous, Lafayette the next day wrote to 
Gen. Washington from Icetown, to w^hich he had advanced, 
and was making vigilant preparations for an attack upon 
the enemy : " I want to repeat to you in writing what I 
have told to you, which is, that if you believe it, or if it is 
believed necessary or useful to the good of the service and 
the honour of General Lee, to send him down with a couple 
of thousand men, or any greater force, I will cheerfully obey 
and serve him, not only out of duty, but out of what I owe 
to that gentleman's character." On the receipt of this let- 
ter, (June 26,) Gen. Washington wrote to Gen. Lee. "Your 
uneasiness on account of the command of yesterday's de- 
tachment fills m,e with concern, as it is not in my power fully 
to remove it without wounding the feelings of the Marquis 
de Lafayette." As an expedient, however, which might in 
some measure meet the views of both, he proposed that Lee 
should march towards the marquis with two additional 
brigades ; give him notice that he was advancing to sup- 
port him, and was, as the senior officer, to have command of 
the whole advanced body, &;c. He wrote also to Lafayette: 
" General Lee's uneasiness on account of yesterday's trans- 
action, rather increasing than abating, and your politeness 
in wishing to ease him of it, have induced me to detach him 
from this army with a part of it, to reinforce, or at least 
cover the several detachments at present under your com- 
mand. At the same time that I felt for General Lee's dis» 
tress of mind, 1 have had an eye to your wishes, and the 
delicacy of your situation ; and have therefore obtained a 
promise from him, that, when he gives you notice of his ap^ 
proach and command, he will request you to prosecute any 
plan you may have already concerted for the purpose of at- 
tacking, or otherwise annoying the enemy. This is the 



84 LIFE OF lAFAYETTE. 

only expedient I could think of to answer the views of both* 
General Lee seems satisfied with the measure, and I wish 
it may prove agreeable to you, as I am with the warmest 
wishes for your honour and glory, and with the sincerest 
esteem and aifection, yours, &;g." 

To this arrangement Lafayette yielded cheerfully. The 
British army had encamped upon the high grounds, about 
Monmouth Court-House, in a strong position, secured on 
nearly all sides by woods and marshy ground. On ascer- 
taining their position, Washington moved forward with his 
whole army ; and sent orders to Lee, who was at English- 
town, with the advance) lately commanded by Lafayette, to 
move on and attack the enemy, " unless there should be 
very powerful reasons to the contrary*'* The British army 
set forward on the morning of the 28th. The baggage was 
placed under the care of Gen. Knyphausen, while the 
strength and flower of the army, entirely unincumbered, 
formed the rear division, under the particular command of 
Lord Cornwallis, who was accompanied by Sir Henry Clin- 
ton himself. Gen. Le^ appeared on the Heights of Free- 
town, soon after Cornwallis had left them ; followed the en- 
emy into the plain, and made dispositions for attack* But 
he seems to have vacillated in his plans, as much as he had 
done in reference to taking the command of the detachment. 
He directed Lafayette to cross the plain, and attack the left 
flank of the enemy, by which he was exposed to the fire of 
the English artillery ; and Lee then sent him word to fall 
back into the village in which were placed the rest of the 
troops. Lafayette behaved with the greatest presence of 
mind and bravery. A party of British troops having mov- 
ed towards Lee's right flank, and so placed itself that La- 
fayette thought there was a fair opportunity for cutting it 
off, he rode quickly up to Lee and suggested to him that an 
advantageous attack might be made in that quarter, " Sir," 
replied Lee, " you do not know British soldiers ; we cannot 
stand against them ; we shall certainly be driven back at 
first, and we must be cautious." Lafayette answered, that 
" it might be so, but British soldiers had been beaten, and 
it was to be presumed they might be beaten again, and at 
any rate he was for making the trial." 

After some slight skirmishing, Lee began to give way, 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 85 

with his whole division of five thousand men, althouo-h he 
knew Gen. Washington, with the entire army, was march- 
ing to his support. At the first retrogade movement, La- 
fayette sent information to Gen. Washington of what was 
passing, and that his presence was extremely important. 
Washington rode immediately to the scene of action, when 
he found the troops retreating in confusion. " You know," 
said Lee, " that all this was against my advice." General 
Washington replied with much severity. The presence of 
Washington gave courage to the troops. With the aid of 
Lafayette, and the other officers, they were rallied, and the 
enemy held in check, until the main body of the American 
army came up. Gen. Washington immediately made his 
dispositions for a general battle. When the order of bat- 
tle was completed. Gen. Greene commanded the right of 
the first line, Lord Sterling the left, and Lafayette the sec- 
ond line. Being warmly opposed in front, the enemy at- 
tempted to turn the left flank of the Americans, but were 
repulsed. A similar attempt on the right, was resisted with 
equal bravery and success, by the troops with artillery, un- 
der General Greene ; and Gen. Wayne, with a body of in. 
fantry, assailed the enemy, with a hot and well directed 
fire, in front, and compelled them to retire behind a marshy 
ravine, to the ground they had occupied before the begin- 
ning of the battle. Dispositions were made by Gen. Wash- 
ington for attacking the enemy on the right and left,while 
the artillery should advance and play on their front ; but 
night coming on, arrested these movements, and put an end 
to the engagement. 

From four o'clock in the morning until night, Lafayette 
had been incessantly active. The heat had been so intense 
that many of the soldiers fell dead merely from its effects. 
Washington and Lafayette passed the night lying on the 
ground, upon the same mantle, in the midst of the soldiers, 
talking over the events of the day, and particularly the con- 
duct of Lee, who was next day arrested, and. eventually 
tried and convicted by a court-martial, and sentenced to be 
suspended for one year. 

The next morning, it was discovered that the enemy had 
marched off during the night, and had gained such a posi- 
tion, that from the make of the country it was deemed 
^inadvisable to follow them further. The enemy left two 

8 



lilFE OF LAFAYETTE. 



hundred and forty-five non-commissioned officers and pri- 
vates, and four officers, one of whom was Colonel Monck- 
ton of the grenadiers, dead on the field, and those afterwards 
found and buried by the inhabitants increased the number 
of killed to upwards of three hundred. Upwards of one 
hundred were taken prisoners. The number of dead which 
they buried, and the wounded carried off*, could not be ascer- 
tained. The Americans lost seven officers, and fifty-two 
rank and file killed, and seven officers and one hundred and 
twenty rank and file wounded. 




BATTLE OF MONMOUTH. 



Such was the Battle of Monmouth, in which Lafayette, 
although deprived by the caprice of Lee of an honourable 
command, distinguished himself by the greatest valour, 
skill, and devotion. Amidst the intensity of his own du- 
ties, he did not fail to observe with admiration, and after- 
wards to bear testimony to, the brave and skilful conduct 
of the Commander-in-chief. " Washington (he says) was 
never greater in battle than in this action. His presence 
stopped the retreat ; his arrangements secured the victory. 
His graceful bearing on horseback, his calm and dignified 
deportment, which still retained some trace of the displeas- 
ure he had expressed in the morning, were all calculated to 
excite the highest degree of enthusiasm." 

The British army passed through New Jersey, and encamp- 
ed in three divisions on Staten Island, York Island, and Long 
Island. GeUe Washington's army marched leisurely for* 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 87 

ward, crossed the North River at King's Ferry, and encamped 
near White Plains. While the two armies were marching 
from the Delaware to the Hudson, the French fleet, under the 
Count D'Estaing, arrived on the coast. It consisted of eleven 
ships of the line and six frigates, having on board a numerous 
body of troops, with a supply of arms and munitions of 
war — an acceptable aid to the Americans, and the first 
fruits they had derived from the alliance with France. Hav- 
ing touched at the Capes of Delaware (July 7,) and finding 
that the British army and fleet had gone to New York, Count 
D'Estaing despatched a frigate up the river, with M. 
Gerard, the first minister from France to the United States, 
and sailed for Sandy Hook. Not being able to co-operate 
with Gen. Washington on a plan proposed by him, for an 
attack upon the British fleet and army at New York, from 
the impracticability, as pronounced by the pilots, of getting 
his heavy ships over the bar, the French admiral sailed for 
Rhode Island, with the design of attacking the British force 
of about 5000 men, then stationed at Newport. 

The arrival of the French fleet was a source of gratifi- 
cation to Lafayette. He had been desirous, and had exer- 
ted his whole influence, to induce the French government, 
not only to espouse openly the cause of American indepestl. 
ence, but to aid it substantially and efficiently. General 
Washington, therefore, conferred upon Lafayette an accept- 
able duty, and a new and delicate proof of confidence, when, 
for the purpose of co-operating with the expedition of the 
French squadron against the enemy at Rhode Island, he as- 
signed to him, by an order of 22d July, 1778, the immedi- 
ate command of a detachment of two brigades, with direc- 
tion to march with all convenient speed and by the best 
route to Providence, and place himself under the orders of 
General Sullivan, who had the command at that station. 
He concludes the order, by expressing, " the most perfect 
reliance on Lafayette's activity and zeal, and wishing him 
all the success, honour, and glory that his heart could wish." 
Gen. Greene was soon after sent by Gen. Washington to 
participate in this command, and was the bearer of the 
following explanatory letter to Lafayette : 

" Head-quarters, White Plains, 21th July, 1778. 
**Dear MARauis — This will be delivered to you by Major-General 
Greene, whose thorough knowledge of Rhode Island, of which he is a 



88 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

native, and the influence he will have with the people, put it in his pow- 
er to be particularly useful in the expedition against that place, as well 
in providing necessaries for carrying it on, as in assisting to form and 
execute a plan of operations proper for the occasion. The honour 
and interest of the common cause are so deeply concerned in the sue- 
cess of this enterprise, that it appears to me of the greatest importance 
to omit no step which may conduce to it ; and General Greene, on 
several accounts, will be able to render very essential service. 

" These considerations have determined me to send him on the ex- 
pedition, in which, as be could not with propriety act, nor be equally 
useful merely in his official capacity as quartermaster-general, I have 
concluded to give him a command in the troops to be employed in the 
descent. I have, therefore, directed General Sullivan to throw all the 
American troops, both continental, state, and militia, into two divi- 
sions, making an equal distribution of each, to be under the immediate 
command of General Greene and yourself. The continental troops 
being divided in this manner, with the militia, will serve to give 
them confidence, and probably make them act better than they would 
alone. Though this arrangement will diminish the number of conti- 
nental troops under you, yet this diminution will be more than compen- 
sated by the addition of militia ; and I persuade myself your command 
will not be less agreeable, or less honourable, from this change in the 
disposition. I am, with great esteem and affection, dear Majquis, 
your most obedient servant." 

The answer of Lafayette was consistent with the gener- 
ous feelings, the disinterested and patriotick principles, by 
which he was ever actuated. 

" I have received your excellency's favour by General Greene, and 
have been much pleased with the arrival of a gentleman who, not only 
on account of his merit and the justness of his views, but also by his 
knowledge of the country and his popularity in this state, may be very 
serviceable to the expedition. I willingly part with the half of my 
detachment, though I had a great dependance upon them, as you find 
it convenient to the good of the service. Any thing, my dear general, 
you will order, or even wish, shall always be infinitely agreeable to me ; 
and I will always feel happy in doing any thing which may please 
you, or forward the publick good. I am of the same opinion as your 
excellency, that dividing our continental troops among the militia, 
will have a better effect than if we were to keep them together in one 
wing." 

In the same letter, he informs Gen. Washington, that he 
had been on board of the admiral's ship, (the French squadron 
having arrived off Newport a kw days previous ;) that the 
soldiers and sailors on board the fleet were impatient for ac- 
tion, and that he hoped they would soon be gratified. " The 
admiral (he says,) wants me to join the French troops to 
these I command, as soon as possible. I confess I feel very 
to think of my co-operating with them, and, had I 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 89 

contrived in my own mind a beautiful dream, I could not 
have wished a more pleasing event than my joining my 
countrymen, with my brothers of America, under my com- 
mand, and the same standards. When I left Europe, I was 
very far from hoping such an agreeable, turn of affairs in 
the glorious American revolution." 

In his reply to this letter, (August 10th,) Gen. Washing- 
ton said : — 

"The common cause, of which you have been a sealous supporter, 
would, I know, be benefited by General Greene's presence at Rhode 
Island, as he is a native of that state, has an interest with the peoplcj^ 
and a thorough knowledge of the country, and, therefore, I accepted 
his proffered services ; but I was a little uneasy, lest you should con- 
ceive that it was intended to lessen your command. General Greene 
did not incline to act in a detached part of the army, merely as quarter., 
master-general ; nor was it to be expected. It became necessary, there- 
fore, to give him a detached cemmand, and consequently to divide the 
continental troops. Your cheerful acquiescence in the measure, after 
being appointed to the command of the brigades which marched from 
this army, obviated every difficulty, and gave me singular pleasure. 

" I am very happy to find that the standards of France and America 
are likely to be united under your command, at Rhode Island. I am 
persuaded, that the supporters of each will be emulous to acquire hon^ 
our, and promote your glory, upon this occasion." 



CHAPTER X. 

Operations at Newport — Plans disconcerted— Displeasure of Count 
D'Estaing — British fleet appears — Engagement between the French 
and English fleets — Separated by a storm — The French fleet re« 
turns to Boston — Indignation and misunderstanding occasioned 
thereby — Lafayette acts as mediator — -Repairs to Boston — Harmo- 
ny restored — Action at Newport — Lafayette's hasty return to par- 
ticipate in it — The "Retreat of Rhode Island " — Lafayette's servi^ 
ces on the occasion appreciated — Resolution of Congress— Appro, 
batory letter of Washington. 

But the anticipations of Washington and Lafayette, and 
the American Congress and people, of immediate advantages 
to their arms from the co-operation of the French fleet, 
were to be disappointed. Count D'Estaing had arrived be- 
fore Newport several days before the troops from Gen. Wash- 
ington's army, and other forces destined for the projected 
attack, reached that place, and had concerted with General 

8* 



90 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

Sullivan the plan of operations. This delay in the arrival 
of the land forces, disconcerted the admiral's plans, and 
with other causes, led to misunderstandings and the failure 
of the expedition. But it was agreed that the French and 
American forces should land at the same time, the 10th of 
August, on the northern extremity of Rhode Island. Four 
thousand French troops were to be landed. On the 8th, 
preparatory to the attack. Count D'Estaing, entered the 
harbour through the middle channel, with his fleet, without 
sustaining injury from the British batteries which played 
upon him from the shore. The preparations for the attack 
being perceived by the enemy, the British troops under Gen. 
Pigot, stationed on the north end of the island, were with- 
drawn on the night of the 8th, into the lines at Newport. 
On discovering this the next morning, Gen. Sullivan deem- 
ed it expedient to avail himself of it, and to take immediate 
possession of the works which had been abandoned. He 
therefore crossed the east passage with his whole ar- 
my, and landed on the north end of the island. Admiral 
D'Estaing, according to the authority of Marshall and La- 
fayette, was displeased at this movement, deeming it disre- 
spectful that Sullivan should thus land, without consulting 
him, before the time agreed upon for the joint attack. The 
next day, (the 10th,) Sullivan, Lafayette, and Greene, look- 
ed anxiously for the landing of the French troops, but in 
vain. A British squadron, under Lord Howe, having come 
from New York for the relief of Newport, unexpectedly ap- 
peared off the harbour. The wind, on the 10th, being fair, 
the French Admiral immediately stood out to sea, with his 
whole fleet, with the intention of giving battle. In the 
mean time he sent word to Gen. Sullivan, promising to co- 
operate with him in the land attack on his return. Lord 
Howe, to prevent the French getting the weathergage, also 
weighed anchor, and stood out to sea, followed by the French 
fleet, and both fleets were soon out of sight. The two fleets 
had manoeuvred for two days without coming to action ; but 
were on the point of engaging, when a severe storm arose, 
which dispersed both fleets, and they retired in a very 
shattered condition, the British to New York, and the 
French again to Newport. 

In the mean while, in expectation of the return of 
the French fleet, the American army marched forward 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 91 

on the 15th, took post within two miles of the enemy's 
lines at Newport, commenced the erection of batteries, and 
in a short time opened a cannonade against the British 
works. The British on their part, were not idle in coun- 
ter defence. The American army had suffered much from 
the severity of the late storm ; and the reappearance of 
the French fleet on the evening of the 19th, inspired joy 
and hope. But these new expectations were soon disap- 
pointed. Count D'Estaing advised Gen. Sullivan of his 
intention to retire with his fleet to Boston, to repair. 
This communication created much excitement in the 
American camp; for without the co-operation of the 
French fleet, it was believed the army would be compelled 
to retire without effecting its object. By direction of Gen. 
Sullivan, Greene and Lafayette repaired on board the ad- 
miral's ship, and used every argument to induce him to 
change his determination, and co-operate in an immediate 
attack, according to the previous plan, or any other that 
might be deemed expedient. But by the almost unanimous 
advice of his officers, and conceiving that his instructions 
which directed him to sail for Boston, should his fleet meet 
with any disaster, or should a superiour British fleet appear 
on the coast, were imperative, he persisted in his determina- 
tion. He offered, however, to place his two battalions of 
troops under the command of Lafayette ; an offer which, 
for prudential reasons, the latter did not feel authorized to 
accept. 

After the return of Lafayette and Greene, Gen. Sullivan, 
unwilling to yield a point which he deemed so important, 
wrote again to Count D'Estaing, to induce him to change 
his determination. His letter was accompanied by a pro- 
test, which was signed by all the American general officers 
on the island, with the exception of Lafayette. He refu- 
sed to sign it on account of some expressions which he 
considered derogatory to his countrymen, and calculated to 
give offence to the French admiral. Such was the result 
of this ill-timed measure ; and the admiral sailed for Boston 
without further delay. 

The departure of the French fleet was the cause of deep 
disappointment to the American army. Under the impulse 
of feelings, thus excited, expressions of censure were indulge 
ed in, which served to increase the jealousies and dissea- 



92 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. 

sions that had unfortunately arisen ; and which Count D' 
Estaing, in his vindicatory letters to Congress, proved to 
be as unjust, as they certainly were impolitick. Gen. Sul- 
livan, participating in the feelings of the moment, in a gen- 
eral order which he issued, used an expression well calcu- 
lated to aggravate the irritated feelings of the French 
officers^ — the purport of which was, that the Americans were 
abandoned by their allies* The spirited remonstrances of 
Lafayette, and his own mature sense of justice, procured 
from Gen. Sullivan the following explanatory order : — 

" It having been supposed, by some persons, that by the orders of 
the 21st instant, the Commander-in-chief meant to insinuate that the 
departure of the fleet was owing to a fixed determination not to assist 
in the present enterprise, and that, as the general did not wish to give 
the least colour to ungenerous and illiberal minds to make such an 
unfair interpretation, he thinks it necessary to say, that as he could 
not possibly be acquainted with the orders of the French admiral, he 
could not determine whether the removal of the fleet was absolutely 
necessary or not ; and, therefore, did not mean to censure an act 
which those orders might render absolutely necessary." 

The feelings of dissatisfaction were no less strong at 
Boston, and it was apprehended that the reception of the 
French fleet in that harbour would be far from cordial, and 
that the necessary means of repairing and supplying it 
with provisions would be withheld. Governour Hancock, 
therefore, who was on Rhode Island with the Massachusett's 
militia, repaired to Boston, for the purpose of preventing all 
irritating causes, and securing to the fleet a friendly recep- 
tion. 

These difficulties and dissensions were highly painful to 
Lafayette. He felt naturally for the honour of his coun- 
trymen, and was anxious to preserve a friendly relation, 
and to bring about an efficient co-operation, between them 
and the American patriots. He addressed, (August 21st,) 
a long letter to Gen. Washington, detailing the circum- 
stances which had occurred. He vindicates the course of 
Count D'Estaing, from the necessity, owing to his position 
at Newport between the British fleet and the land batteries,, 
of seeking, in the open sea, an engagement with the ene- 

* The expression most offensive was this : " the general yet hopes 
the event will prove America able to procure that by her own armsj^ 
which her allies refuse to assist in obtaining." Ss& Sharks' Wri^ 
Mngs of Washington, Vol. 6, p. 46-7, &c. 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 93 

my's fleet, the shattered condition of his ships after the 
storm, in which one was supposed to be lost and others were 
dismasted, and his positive orders, with the decision of his 
officers, under such circumstances to repair to Boston. He 
complains, also, of the unjust censures and illiberal remarks 
to which the common disappointment had given rise towards 
his countrymen, so much calculated to destroy the harmony 
between the military forces of the two nations. In three 
weeks, he says, the fleet will be repaired, when he " will be 
happy to see it co-operating with General Washington 
himself." He concludes as follows : — 

" I think I shall be forced, by the board of general ofScers, to go 
Boon to Boston. That I will do as soon as required, though with re- 
luctance, for I do not believe that our position on this part of the is~ 
land is without danger; but my principle is to do everything which 
is thought good for the service. I have very often rode express to the 
fleet, to the frigates, and that I assure you, with the greatest pleasure ; 
on the other hand, I may perhaps be useful to the fleet. Perhaps, too, 
it will be in the power of the count to do something which might 
satisfy them. I wish, my dear general, you could know as well as 
myself, how desirous the Count D'Estaing is to forward the publick 
good, to help your success, and to serve the cause of America. 

" I earnestly beg you will recommend to the several chief persons 
of Boston to do everything they can to put the French fleet in a sit- 
uation for sailing soon. Give me leave to add, that I wish many peo- 
pie, by the declaration ofyour sentiments in that affiiir, could learn how 
to regulate theirs, and blush at the sight ofyour generosity. 

" You will find my letter immense. I began it one day and fin- 
ished it the next, as my time was swallowed by those eternal coun- 
cils of war. I shall have the pleasure of writing you from Boston. I 
am afraid the Count D'Estaing will have felt to the quick the be- 
haviour of the people on this occasion. You cannot conceive how 
distressed he was to be prevented from serving this country for some 
time. I do assure you his circumstances were very critical and 
distressing. 

" For my part, my sentiments are known to the world. My tender 
affection for general Washington is added to them ; therefore I want 
no apologies for writing upon what has afflicted me both as an Ameri- 
can and as a Frenchman. 

" I am much obliged to you for the care you are so kind as to take 
of that poor horse of mine ; had he not found such a good stable as 
this at head-quarters, he would have cut a pitiful figure at the end of 
his travels, and I should have been too happy if there had remained 
so much of the horse as the bones, the skin, and the four shoes. 

" Farewell, my dear General ; whenever I quit you, I meet with 
some disappointment and misfortune. I did not need it to desire 
seeing you as much as possible. With the most tender affection and 
high regard, I have the honour to be, &c. 

" Dear General, — I must add to my letter, that I havs received 



94 IIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

one from General Greene, very different, from the expressions I have 
to complain of; he seems there very sensible of what I feel. I am 
very happy when placed in a situation to do justice to any one. 

To this letter Gen. Washington replied : — 

*' White Plains, 1st September, 1778. 

•' My dear MARauis — I have been honoured with your favour of 
the 25th ultimo by Monsieur Pontgibaud, and I wish my time, which 
at present is taken up by a committee of Congress, would permit me 
to go fully into the contents of it ; this, however, it is not in my 
power to do ; but in one word let me say, I feel everything that hurts 
the sensibility of a gentleman, and consequently, upon the present 
occasion, I feel for you and for our good and great allies the French. 
I feel myself hurt, also, at every illiberal and unthinking reflection 
which may have been cast upon the Count D'Estaing, or the conduct 
of the fleet under his command ; and, lastly, I feel for my country. 
Let me entreat you, therefore, my dear marquis, to take no exception 
at unmeaning expressions, uttered, perhaps, without consideration, 
and in the first transport of disappointed hope. Every body, sir, who 
reasons, will acknowledge the advantages which we have derived 
from the French fleet, and the zeal of the commander of it ; but, in 
a free and republican government, you cannot restrain the voice of 
the multitude ; every man will speak as he thinks, or, more properly, 
without thinking, and consequently will judge at effects without at- 
tending to the causes. The censures which have been levelled at the 
officers of the French fleet would, more than probably, have fallen in 
a much higher degree upon a fleet of our own, if we had one in the 
same situation. It is the nature of man to be displeased with every- 
thing that disappoints a favourite hope or flattering project ; and it 
is the folly of too many of them to condemn without investigating 
circumstances. 

" Let me beseech you, therefore, my good sir, to afford a healing 
hand to the wound that, unintentionally has been made. America 
esteems your virtues and your services, and admires the principles 
upon which you act ; your countrymen, in our army, look up to you 
as their patron ; the count and his officers consider you as a man high 
in rank, and high in estimation here and also in France ; and I, your 
friend, have no doubt but you will use your utmost endeavours to 
restore harmony, that the honour, the glory, and mutual interest of 
the two nations may be promoted and cemented in the firmest man- 
ner. I would say more on the subject, but am restrained for want of 
time, and therefore shall only add, that with every sentiment of es- 
teem and regard, I am, my dear marquis, &c." 

The same day, Gen. Washington wrote also to Sullivan 
and Greene, urging them to use every means to suppress 
the jealousies and feuds which had arisen. To Greeni^, he 
says : 

" I depend much upon your aid and influence to conciliate that 
animosity which I plainly perceive, by a letter from the marquis^ 



LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. 95 

subsists between the American officers and the French in our service ; 
this, you may depend, will extend itself to the count, and to the 
officers and men of his whole fleet, should they return to Rhode IsL 
^nd, unless, upon their arrival there, they find a reconciliation has 
taken place. The marquis speaks kindly of a letter from you to him 
on the subject ; he will therefore take any advice coming from you 
in a friendly light ; and, if he can be pacified, the other French gentle- 
men will of course be satisfied, as they all look up to him as their head. 
The marquis grounds his complaint upon a general order of the 24th 
of August, the latter part of which is certainly very impolitick, es- 
pecially considering the universal clamour that prevailed against the 
French nation. 

" I beg you will take every measure to keep the protest entered 
into by the general officers from being made publick. The Congress, 
sensible of the ill consequences that will flow from the world's know- 
ing our differences, have passed a resolve to that purpose. Upon the 
whole, my dear sir, you can conceive my meaning better than I can 
express it ; and I therefore fully depend upon your exerting yourself 
to heal all private animosities between our principal officers and the 
French, and to prevent all illiberal expressions and reflections that 
may fall from the army at large." 

As hope was still entertained of procuring timely aid from 
Count D'Estaing, Gen. {Sullivan raised the siege of New- 
port, and returned to the north side of the island ; and La- 
fayette repaired to Boston, to conciliate the difficulties 
which had arisen, and indiice the required co-operation. 
After travelling all night, he arrived just as the count and 
his officers were entering Boston to attend a publick din- 
ner given to them by the municipal and military authori- 
ties. This repast was followed by a council, in which the 
exertions and influence of Lafayette, highly respected as he 
was both by his countrymen and the Americans, contribu- 
ted to the ultimate and speedy restoration of those friendly 
feelings which had been so seriously interrupted. In that 
conference, Count D'Estaing demonstrated the impractical 
bility of repairing to Newport with his fleet, in its then crip- 
pled condition, but offered to march immediately himself, with 
his troops. The next morning, however, Lafayette receiv- 
ed information, that Gen. Sullivan, in the course of his 
movements the day previous, (August 29,) had been attack- 
ed by the enemy ; that the two armies were warmly enga- 
ged, and that Clinton had arrived with reinforcements to 
the British. He immediately started, travelled eighty miles 
in less than eight hours, and arrived at Rowland's Ferry? 
just as the American army was crossing it. The rear- 



96 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 



guard of a thousand men, and pickets, were still on the 
island, surrounded by the enemy : to these Lafayette re- 
paired, took charge of them, and brought them olEF without 
the loss of a man. The previous part of the engagement 
and retreat had been conducted by Sullivan with great skill 
and bravery. 




Lafayette had previously advised a retreat. He had giv- 
en his opinion to Gen. Sullivan, in writing, on the 24th of 
August, as follows : " I do not approve of continuing the 
siege. The time of the militia is out, and they will not 
lono-er sacrifice their private interest to the common cause. 
A retreat is the wisest step." But, he regretted much not 
being present during the whole of the engagement. To 
General Washington, Sept. 1st, he says: " My dear Gen- 
eral, — that there has been an action fought, where I could 
have been, and where I was not, is a thing which will seem 
as extraordinary to you as it seems to myself." " There 
(to Boston,) I had been sent, pushed, hurried, by the board 
of general officers, and principally by generals Sullivan and 
Greene, who thought I should be of great use to the com- 
mon cause, and to whom I foretold the disagreeable event 
which would happen to me. I felt on that occasion, the 
impression of that bad star, which some days ago, has influ- 
enced the French undertakings, and which, I hope, will soon 
be removed. People say that I don't want an action ; but if 
it is not necessary to my reputation as a tolerable private 
soldier, it would at least add to my satisfaction and pleas- 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE » 97 

ure." He speaks in high terms of the conduct of Sullivan 
in the engagement and retreat, and gives an account of thd 
favourable result of his visit to the Count D'Estaing at 
Boston : 

" I am now (he says,) entrusted, by Genferal Sullivan, with the 
care of Warren, Bristol, and the eastern shore. 1 am to defend a 
country with very few troops who are not able to defend more than a 
single point. I cannot answer that the enemy won't go and do what 
they please, for I am not able to prevent them, only with a part of 
their army, and yet this part must not land far from me ; but I answer, 
that if they come with equal or not very superioUr forces to those I may 
collect, we shall flog them pretty well : at least, I hope so. My 
situation seems to be uncertain, for we expect to hear soon from your 
excellency. You know Mr. Touzard, a gentleman of my family — he 
met with a terrible accident in the last action ; running before all thfe 
others, to take a piece of cannon in the midst of the enemy, with the 
greatest excess of bravery, he was immediately covered with their 
shots, had his horse killed, and his right arm shattered to pieces. He 
was happy enough not to fall into their hands : his life is not despairecl 
of. Congress was going to send him a commission of major. 

" Give me joy, my dear general, I intend to have your picture, and 
Mr. Hancock has promised me a copy of that he has in Boston. He 
gave one to Count D'Estaing, and I never saw a man so glad at 
possessing his sweetheart's picture, as the admiral was to receive 
yours." 

The zeal* and services of Lafayette on these occasions, 
were justly appreciated by Congress and the Commander- 
in-chief. By a resolution of September '9th, the President 
of Congress was specially requested "to inform the Mar- 
quis de Lafayette, that Congress have a due sense of the 
sacrifice he made of his personal feelings in undertaking a 
journey to Boston, with a^iew of promoting the interests 
of these States, at a time when an occasion was daily ex- 
pected of acquiring glory in the field ; and that his gallantb 
ry in going on Rhode Island when the greatest part of the 
army had retreated, and his good conduct in bringing off 
the pickets and otit-sentries, deserve their particular appro- 
bation." This resolution was conveyed to Lafayette, ac- 
companied by the following letter : 

" Philadelphia, 13th September, 1778. 
•' Sir — I am sensible of a particular degree of pleasure in executing 
the order of Congress, signified in their act of the 9th instant, which 
will be enclosed with this, expressing the sentiments of the represent 
tatives of the United States of America, of your high merit on the 
late expedition against Rhode Island. You will do Congress justice^ 
Sir, in receiving the present acknowledgment as a tribute of the re= 

9 



98 LIFE OF LAFAYETTEo 

spect and gratitude of a free people. I have the honour to be, witb 
very great respect and esteem, Sir, your obedient and most humble 
servant." Henry Laurens, President. 

To this communication Lafayette made a feeling reply, 

" Whatever pride (he wrote) such an approbation may justly give 
me, I am not less affected by the feelings of gratefulness, and the satis.^ 
faction of thinking my endeavours were ever looked on as useful to a 
cause, in which my heart is so deeply interested. Be so good, Sir, as 
to present to Congress my plain and hearty thanks, with a frank as- 
surance of a candid attachment, the only one worth being offered to 
the representatives of a free people. The moment I heard of Ameri- 
ca, I loved her ; the moment I knew she was fighting for freedom, I 
burnt with a desire of bleeding for her \ and the moment I shall be 
able to serve her at any time, or in any part of the world, will be the 
happiest one of my life. I never so much wished for occasions of de- 
serving those obliging sentiments vv^ith which I am honoured by these 
states and their representatives, and that flattering confidence they 
have been pleased to put in me, has filled my heart with the warmest 
acknowledgments and eternal affection." 

The expressions of approbation by General Washington, 
were no less ardent than those of Congress, and breathe the 
language of friendship as well as of patriotism. Under 
date of Sept. 25th, he says : 

" The sentiments of affection and attachment, which breathe so con- 
spicuously in all your letters to me, are at once pleasing and honour- 
able, and afford me abundant cause to rejoice at the happiness of my 
acquaintance with you. Your love of liberty, the just sense you en- 
tertain of this valuable blessing, and your noble and disinterested ex- 
ertions in the cause of it, added to the innate goodness of your heart, 
conspire to render you dear to me ; and I think myself happy in being 
linked with you in bonds of the strictest friendship. 

" The ardent zeal which you have displayed during the whole 
course of the campaign to the eastward, and your endeavours to cher- 
ish harmony among the officers of the allied powers, and to dispel 
those unfavourable impressions which had begun to take place in the 
minds of the unthinking, from misfortunes, which the utmost stretch 
of human foresight'couid not avert, deserved, and now receive, my par- 
ticular and warmest thanks. I am sorry for Monsieur Touzard's loss of 
an arm in the action on Rhode Island ; and offer my thanks to him, 
through you, for his gallant behaviour on that day. 

"Could I have conceived that my picture had been an object of 
your wishes, or in the smallest degree worthy of your attention, I 
should, while M. Peale was in the camp at Valley Forge, have got 
him to take the best portrait of me he could, and presented it to you ; 
but I really had not so good an opinion of my own worth, as to sup- 
pose that such a compliment would not have been considered as a 
greater instance of my vanity, than means of your gratification ; and 
therefore, when you requested me to sit to Monsieur Lanfang, I 
thought it was only to obtain the outlines and a few shades of my 
features, to have some prints struck from," 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE* 99 



CHAPTER XL 

Lafayette watches the enemy on Rhode Island — New difficulties be- 
tween the French and Americans — Reconciled by Lafayette — His 
anxiety for more active operations — Projects for that purpose — 
Canada expedition discouraged by Washington — Lafayette decides 
to visit France — Insulting language of the British Commissioners 
—Lafayette resents it, and proposes challenging Lord Carlisle — 
Gen. Washington and Count D'Estaing endeavour to dissuade him 
therefrom — Challenge sent and declined — Lafayette prepares for 
his voyage — Correspondence with Gen. Washington and Congress 
— Grateful testimonials and acknowledgments— Lafayette leaves 
Philadelphia for Boston — His dangerous illness at Fishkill — attend- 
ed by Doct. Cochrane — Kindness of Gen. Washington —Visit of Dr. 
Thatcher — Lafayette recovers — Takes leave of Washington, and 
pursues his journey — His eloquent tribute to the character of Wash- 
ington — Detention at Boston— The proposed Canada expedition 
finally rejected by Congress — Lafayette's farewell letters to General 
Washington — Sails for France. 

Lafayette continued for several weeks in the duties as- 
signed him, of watching the enemy's motions, near Bristol. 
His force was not sufficient to prevent those depredations 
which were then being committed by piarauding parties ot* 
the British army upon the inhabitants of the defencelesg 
eastern towns. His own situation was often critical. In 
the mean time, new difficulties had arisen between the 
French and Americans at Boston. A violent affray had 
occurred between a party of each, on the 13th of Septem, 
ber, in which the French were overpowered, and the Cheva- 
lier de Saint Sauveur, a gallant and worthy officer, lost 
his life. The authorities of Boston took prompt measures 
to ascertain and punish the ringleaders of the outrage, who 
were supposed to be, not American citizens, but English 
prisoners and deserters. Lafayette again became mediator, 
and harmony and mutual confidence were once more re- 
stored. 

But, Lafayette was anxious for more active employment, 
and a wider field of operations. Writing to Madame Lafay- 
ette, he said : " Half the Americans say that I am passion- 
ately fond of my country, and the other half say that, since 



100 BIPE OF LAFAYETTE. 

the arrival of the French ships, I have become mad, and 
that I neither eat nor drink, nor sleep, but according to the 
winds that blow. Betwixt ourselves they are a little in the 
right : I never felt so strongly what may be called national 
pride." To Gen. Washington, (Sept 7th,) he says : " I am 
told that the enemy is going to evacuate New York. My 
policy leads me to believe that some troops will be sent to 
Halifax, to the West Indies, and to Canada ; that Canada, 
I apprehend, will be your occupation next winter and 
spring. The idea, my dear General, alters the plan I had 
to make a voyage home, some months hence ; however, as 
long as you fight, I want to fight along with you, and I 
much desire to see your excellency in Canada next sum- 
mer." His thoughts were also turned to European opera- 
tions, to a project which then began to be seriously enter- 
tained in France. Writing to his father-in-law, the Duke 
D'Ayen, (Sept. 11,) he says : " You must feel how impos- 
sible it is for me to ascertain when I can return to you. 
I shall be guided entirely by circumstances. My great ob- 
ject in wishing to return, was the idea of a descent upon Eng- 
land. I should consider myself as almost dishonoured, if 
I were not present at such a moment. I should feel so 
much regret and shame, that I should be tempted to drown 
or hang myself, according to the English mode. My great- 
est happiness would be to drive them from this country, and 
then to repair to England, serving under your command. 
This is a very delightful project ; God grant it may bo 
realized ! " And to Gen. Washington, (Sept 25,) he again 
expresses his desire for action. " I long much, (he writes,) 
my dear general, to be again with you, our separation has 
been long enough, and I am here as inactive as any where 
else. My wish, and that you will easily conceive, had been 
to co-operate with the French fleet. I don't know now 
what they will do. The admiral has written to me upon ma- 
ny plans, and does not seem well fixed on any scheme : he 
burns with the desire of striking a blow, and is not yet de- 
termined how to accomplish it. He wrote me, that he 
wanted to see me, but I cannot leave my post, lest some- 
thing might happen : it has already cost dear enough to 
me. However, if you give me leave, Fll ask this of Gen. 
Sullivan, and will do what I think best for both countries." 
To this proposed visit Gen. Washington assented. Its prin- 



MFE OP LAfAYETTE. lOl 

cipal object, doubtless, was to consult with Count D'Estaing 
on the subject of an expedition against Canada, to which the 
consent of Congress and of the French government was to be 
obtained. At the same time, and in the letter last quoted, 
Washington expressed his opinion against such an expedi- 
tion. " if you have entertained thoughts, (he says,) my 
dear marquis, of paying a visit to your court, to your lady, 
and to your friends, this winter, but waver on account of 
an expedition into Canada, friendship induces me to tell 
you, that I do not conceive that the prospect of such an 
operation is so favourable at this time as to cause you to 
change your views." Brief reasons are given for this con- 
clusion, and Gen. Washington adds : " In a word, the chan* 
ces are so much against the undertaking, that they ought 
not to induce you to lay aside your other purposes, in the 
prosecution of which you shall have every aid, and carry 
with you every honourable testimony of my regard and en* 
tire approbation of your conduct that you can wish. But, 
it is a compliment which is due, so I am persuaded you 
would not dispense with the form of signifying your desires 
to Congress on the subject of your voyage and absence." 

While at Boston, on the visit to Count D'Estaing, La^ 
fayette made up his mind to return to France. Anxious to 
render this proposed visit subservient to the interests of 
America, and not having yielded the hope of an ultimate 
attack upon Canada, he asked and obtained leave to repair 
to Head-quarters, to consult with Gen. Washington upon 
the subject. An affair of a different nature, also, about this 
time engaged his attention. The British commissioners, 
in their correspondence with Congress, had charged the 
French nation with " a perfidy too universally acknowl- 
edged to require any proof." The French officers consid* 
ered this an insult which ought to be resented by them ; and 
Lafayette, as the highest officer, deemed himself honourably 
bound to carry their views into effect. The communica- 
tion containing the offensive expression, was signed by all 
the British commissioners, but Lord Carlisle's name stood 
first, as President of the Board. Lafayette, therefore, con- 
ceived the^project of sending him a challenge, and in a letter 
of Sept. 24, he stated the case to Gen. Washington, and ask- 
ed his opinion on the subject. The reply is interesting, 
not only as relates to the occasion itself, bat as exhibiting 

9"^ 



102 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

the opinion of Gen. Washington adverse to the practice of 
duelHng : 

" FisJikill, Ath October, 1778, 
" My dear Marquis, — I have had the pleasure of receiving, by the 
hands of Monsieur de la Colombe, your favour of the 28th ultimo, 
accompanied by one of the 24th, which he overtook somewhere on the. 
TOad. The leave requested in the former, I am as much interested to 
grant, as to refuse my approbation of the challenge proposed in the 
latter. The generous spirit of chivalry, exploded by the rest of the' 
world, finds a refuge, my dear friend, in the sensibility of your nation 
only. But it is in vain to cherish it, unless you can find antagpnis.t8 
to support it; and, however well adapted it might have been to. the 
times in which it existed, in our days, it is to be feared, that your oppo- 
nent, sheltering himself behind modern opinions, and under his pres- 
ent publick character of commissioner, would turn a virtue of such- 
ancient date into ridicule. Besides, supposing his lordship accepted, 
your terms, experience has proved that chance is often as much con- 
cerned in deciding these matters as bravery, and always more than 
the justice of the cause. I would not, therefore, have your life, by the- 
remotest possibility, exposed, when it may be reserved for so many 
greater occasions. His excellency, the admiral, I flatter myself, will 
be in sentiment with me ; and, as soon as he can spare you, will sends 
you to Head-quarters, where I anticipate the pleasure of seeing you." 

To this letter, Lafayette having returned to Head.quar« 
ters, Washington added personal persuasions. Count D' 
Estaing coincided in his views, and in an interesting* 
correspondence, they expressed mutual anxiety to prevent 
the contemplated meeting. Lafayette, hawever, deeming, 
himself pledged to his brother ojfficers, actually sent a chaU, 
lenge to Lord Carlisle. The result was such as Washing- 
ton had anticipated. His lordship declined the challenge,: 
upon the ground that he did not consider himself personally 
responsible for expressions used in an official capacity. At 
a subsequent period, in a note to one of his manuscripts,, 
Lafayette says, " Lord Carlisle refused, and he was right;" 
and seems to admit, that he ought to have followed Wash" 
ington's advice. 

From Head quarters, Lafayette repaired to Philadelphia, 
and addressed the following letter to the President of Con- 
gress : 

*' Philadelphia, lUh October, 1778. 
" Sir— Whatever care I should take not to employ the precious time 
of Congress in private considerations, I beg leave to lay before them my 
present circumstances, with that confidence which naturally springs 
from affection and gratitude. The sentiments which bind me to my 
country, can never be more properly spoken of than in the presence 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 103 

of men who have done so muoh for their own. As long as I thought 
I" could dispose of myself, I made it my pride and pleasure to fight' 
under American colovirs, in defence of a cause, which I dare more 
particularly call ours, because I had the good fortune to bleed for it. 
]5fow, sir, that France is involved in a war, I am urged by a sense of 
duty, as well as by patriotick love, to present myself before the king, 
to know in what manner he may judge proper to employ my services* 
The most agreeable of all will be such as may enable me always to 
eerve the common cause among those" whose friendship I have the hap- 
piness to obtain, and whose fortune I have had the honour to follow 
in less smiling, times. That reason, and others, which I leave to the 
feelings of Congress, engage me to beg from them the liberty of going 
home for the next winter. 

*' As long as there were any hopes of an active campaign, I did not 
think of leaving the field. Now that I see a very peaceable and xm. 
disturbed moment, I take this opportunity of waiting on Congress. In 
case my request is granted, I shall so manage my departure as to be 
certain before going off that the compaign is really over. Inclosed 
you will find a letter from his excellency General Washington, where 
he expresses his assent to my getting leave of absence. I dare flatter 
myself, that I shall be looked upon as a soldier on furlough, who most 
heartily wants to join again his colours, and his most esteemed and ' 
beloved fellow-soldiers. In case it is thought that I can be in any 
way useful to the service of America, when I shall find myself among, 
toy countrymen, and in case 3.ny exertion of mine is deemed servicea- 
ble, I hope, sir, I shall always be considered as a man who is deeply 
interested in the welfare of the United States, and who has the most 
perfect affection, regard, and confidence for their representatives,. 
With the highest regard, I have the honour to, be,, &c." 

*' Lafayette." 

The letterof Gen. Washington, referred to in the foregoing, 
speaks in the highest terms of Lafayette, of his services, and 
his motive for returning to France. It recommends, that 
leave of absence be granted to Lafayette on furlough. " A' 
z:eluctance (Gen. Washington added) to part vi^ith an officer, 
who unites to all the military fire of youth an uncommon 
maturity of judgement, would lead me to prefer his being 
absent on this footing, if it depended upon me. Lshall 
always be happy to give such a testimony of his services, 
as his bravery and conduct on all occasions entitle him to ; 
a;nd Lhave no doubt that Congress will add suitable expres- 
sions of their sense of his merit, and their regret on account 
of his departure." 

Congress complied promptly with the request of Lafay- 
ette, and accompanied their assent with the most just and 
flattering expressions of gratitude and respect. These 



104 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

were officially communicated to him in the following letter 
from the President of Congress : 

" Philadelphia, 2ith October, 1778. 

<« Sir — I had the honour of presenting to Congress your letter, 
soliciting leave of absence, and I am directed by the house to ex- 
press their thanks for your zeal in promoting that just cause in which 
they are engaged, and for the disinterested services you have rendered 
to the United States of America. In testimony of the high esteem 
and affection in which you are held by the good people of these states, 
as well as in acknowledgment of your gallantry and military talents, 
displayed on many signal occasions, their representatives in Congress 
assembled have ordered an elegant sword to be presented to you by 
the American minister at the court of Versailles. 

** Enclosed within the present cover will be found an act of Congress, 
of the 21st instant, authorizing these declarations, and granting a fur- 
lough for your return to France, to be extended at your own pleasure. 
I pray God to bless and protect you. Sir; to conduct you in safety to 
the presence of your prince, and to the re-enjoyment of your noble 
family and friends. I have the honour to be, with the highest respect, 
and with the most sincere affection. Sir, your most obedient and most 
humble servant, Henry Laurens, President. 

«' 1778. In Congress, October 21st. — Resolved, That the Marquis 
de Lafayette, major-general in the service of the United States, have 
leave to go to France, and that he return at such time as shall be 
most convenient to him. 

" Resolved, that the president write a letter to the Marquis de La* 
fayette, returning him the thanks of Congress for that disinterested 
zeal which led him to America, and for the services he has rendered to 
the United States by the exertion of his courage and abilities on many 
signal occasions. 

" Resolved, That the minister plenipotentiary of the United States 
of America at the court of Versailles, be directed to cause an elegant 
sword, with proper devices, to be made, and presented in the name of 
the United States to the Marquis de Lafayette. 

" October 22nd. — Resolved, That the following letter of recommen- 
dation of the Marquis de Lafayette be written to the King of 
France : — 

" To our great, faithful, and beloved friend and ally, Louis the Six. 
teenth, king of France and Navarre : — 

" The Marquis de Lafayette having obtained our leave to return to 
his native country, we could not suffer him to depart without testify- 
ing our deep sense of his zeal, courage, and attachment. We have 
advanced him to the rank of major-general in our armies, which, as well 
by his prudent as spirited conduct, he has manifestly merited. We 
recommend this young nobleman to your majesty's notice, as one 
whom we know to be wise in council, gallant in the field, and patient 
under the hardships of war. His devotion to his sovereign has led 
him in all things to demean himself as an American, acquiring there- 
by the confidence of these United States, your good and faithful 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 105 

friends and allies, and the affection of their citizens. We pray God 
to keep your majesty in his. holy protection. 

" Done at Philadelphia, the 22nd day of October, 1778, the Con- 
gress of the United States af North America, your good friends and 
allies. Henry Laurens, President. 

These testimonials of Congress were acknowledged by- 
Lafayette in the most feeling manner. 

" Nothing can make me happier (he says) than the reflection that 
my services have met with their approbation ; the glorious testimonial 
of confidence and satisfaction repeatedly bestowed on me by the repre- 
sentatives of America, though superiour to my merit, cannot exceed 
the grateful sentiments they have excited. I consider the noble present 
offered to me in the name of the United States as the most flattering- 
honour; it, is my most fervent desire soon to employ that sword in 
their service against the common enemy of my country, and of their 
faithful and beloved allies. 

" That liberty, safety, wealth, and concord, may ever extend to th& 
United States, is the ardent wish of a heart glowing with a devoted 
zeal and unbounded love, and the highest regard and the most sinceis 
affection for their representatives." 

Equally honourable to Lafayette, was the testimonial of 
M. Gerard, the French minister in this country. Writing 
(October, 1778,) to Count deVergenneSj, minister ofiforeigQi 
affairs in France, he said : 

" I ought not to terminate this long despatch, without rendering to 
the wisdom and dexterity of the Marquis de Lafayette, in the part h& 
has taken in these discussions, the justice which is due to his merits.. 
He has given most salutary counsels, authorized by his friendship and 
experience. The Americans have strongly solicited his return with 
the troops vt^hich the king may send. He has replied with a due sen- 
Bibility, but with an entire resignation to the will of the king. I can- 
not forbear saying, that the conduct, equally prudent, courageous, and 
amiable, of the Marquis de Lafayette, has made him the idol of the 
Congress, ^the army, and the people of America. A high opinion is 
entertained of his military talents. You know how little I am in- 
clined to adulation ; but I should be wanting in justice, if I did not 
transmit to you these testimonials, which are here in the mouth of the 
whole world." 

Thus honoured and respected, after an arduous and glo- 
rious service of fifteen months in the cause of America, La- 
fayette left Philadelphia on horseback for Boston. The 
Alliance, a fine frigate of thirty-six guns, had been assigned 
by Congress, to bear the adopted son of America to the 
land of his nativity. And how justly, in reference to this 
period, has Marshall remarked : " The partiality of Amer- 
ica for Lafayette was well placed. Never did a foreigner, 



106 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

whose primary attachments to his own country remained 
undiminished, feel more soUcitude for the welfare of another, 
than was unceasingly manifested by this young nobleman, 
for the United States." 

The fatiguing journeys and over-exertions that he had 
gone through, the painful excitement which he had experi- 
enced from the difficulties at Rhode Island and Boston, and 
the no less exciting, yet less painful, scenes at Philadelphia, 
of conferences in relation to military affairs, and the more 
important purposes of his return to France, together with 
the social festivities and publick manifestations of respect, 
to which he was, in " killing kindness " subjected, had seri- 
ously impaired the health of Lafayette. Every where, in 
the progress of his journey, too, which he performed on 
horseback in an inclement and rainy season, feasts and en- 
tertainments were prepared for him by the inhabitants, in 
which he could not avoid participating. When, therefore, 
he reached Fishkill, about eight miles from Gen. Washing- 
ton's camp, he was obliged to yield to the violence of an 
inflammatory fever. For three weeks he was confined here. 
His life for a time was despaired of. A report went abroad 
that he was actually dead, which occasioned great regret in 
the army, where he was called the soIdier^s friend. The 
people, too, every where manifested deep anxiety for the 
fate of The Marquis, the name by which he was in popular 
phrase designated. Lafayette, also, at one time thought him- 
self dying. Speaking afterwards of his feelings on the oc- 
casion, he remarks, that " he regretted that he could not 
hope again to see his country and the dearest object of his 
affections. Far from foreseeing the happy fate that awaited 
him, he would willingly have exchanged his future chance 
of life, although but one and twenty years of age, for the 
certainty of living but for three months, on condition of 
again seeing his friends, and witnessing the happy termina- 
tion of the American war." 

Gen. Washington, who, when Lafayette was wounded at 
Brandy wine, had enjoined the surgeon to take care of him 
GLs if he were his own son, manifested during this illness the 
utmost kindness and paternal attention, calling daily to in- 
quire about him. Doct. Cochrane, an eminent physician in 
the army, gave up his whole attention to Lafayette ; and 
hy his skill and assiduity the disease was conquered. At 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE, 107 

this time, Doctor Thatcher paid a visit to Lafayette, which 
is thus described in his Journal, (November 27 ) : — "Visited 
my friends at Fishkill, and by the request of Colonel Gibson, 
I waited on the Marquis de Lafayette. The Colonel fur- 
nished me with a letter of introduction, and his compliments, 
with inquiries respecting the Marquis's health. I was re- 
ceived by this nobleman in a polite and affable manner. 
He is just recovering from a fever, and was in his chair of 
convalescence. He is nearly six feet high, large but not 
corpulent, being not more than twenty-one years of age. 
He is not very elegant in his form, his shoulders being 
broad and high, nor is there a perfect symmetry in his fea- 
tures ; his forehead is remarkably high, his nose large and 
long, eyebrows prominent and projecting over a fine anima- 
ted hazel eye. His countenance is interesting and impres- 
sive. He converses in broken English and displays the man- 
ners and address of an accomplished gentleman. Consid- 
ering him a French nobleman of distinguished character, 
and a great favourite of General Washington, I feel myself 
highly honoured by this interview." 

When his health was sufficiently restored, Lafayette took 
an affectionate leave of Gen. Washington, and accompanied 
by Doctor Cochrane, resumed his journey on horsebacke 
This last interview was deeply impressive, and has called 
forth from Lafayette one of the most eloquent and just trib- 
utes to the character of Washington, that we have evet 
met with. Speaking of the affection manifested for him by 
Washington, he says : 

"And how is it possible that he (Washington.,) should not have 
been warmly cherished by his disciple, (Lafayette,) he who, uniting 
all that is good to all that is great, is even more sublime from his 
virtues than from his talents ? Had he been a common soldier, he 
would have been the bravest in the ranks ; had he been an obscure 
citizen, all his neighbours v/ould have respected him. With a heart 
and a mind equally correctly formed, he judged both of himself and 
circumstances with strict impartiality. Nature whilst creating him 
expressly for that revolution, conferred an honour upon herself; and 
to show her works to the greatest possible advantage, she constituted 
it in such a peculiar manner, that each distinct quality would have 
failed in producing the end required, had it not been sustained by all 
the others." 

On arriving at Boston, (Dec. 11,) Lafayette found that the 
Alliance was not yet ready for sea. There was a difficulty 
in obtaining sailors ; and it was at length concluded to make 



108 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

up the required number, by accepting several English and 
Irish deserters and prisoners, who had offered their services 
for the purpose. Count D'Estaing, whom Lafayette was 
desirous of meeting, had left Boston. A numerous British 
fleet under Admiral Byron, had in October sailed from New 
York for the purpose of attacking the French fleet in Bos- 
ton harbour. A furious storm drove them to sea, and so 
damaged^ the 'British vessels as to compel them to put into 
Newport, to repair. Count D'Estaing took advantage of 
this circumstance, and sailed on the 3d of November, with 
his whole fleet, for the West Indies. Although he had thus 
failed in his plans of co-operation for the campaign of the 
year, the count was esteemed both by Washington and La- 
fayette, as a brave and skilful officer ; and he left the coun- 
try as he came to it, the firm friend of the American cause. 

Lafayette, after being otherwise in readiness, was detain- 
ed some days, in expectation of further communications 
from Congress. The proposed Canada expedition, had 
been under consideration, while he was at Philadelphia, and 
since he had left that city. At one time a plan, which had 
been sanctioned by Lafayette, for the combined operations 
against Canada of the United States and France, the ensu- 
ing summer, had been agreed upon in Congress^ and was to 
have been sent to Doctor Franklin, for the sanction of the 
French government. In the mean time it was submitted 
to Gen. Washington, whose disapproval of it led to a recon- 
sideration of the subject. It was eventually decided to 
abandon the project for the present ; and Gen. Washington 
and President Laurens were directed to communicate this 
decision to Lafayette. Their letters v/ere delayed, and did 
Slot reach Lafayette until after his arrival in France. 

At length, not having received the expected communica- 
tions, Lafayette concluded to set sail, and announced that 
intention to Gen. Washington in a letter dated January Sth, 
1779. In this letter he remarks: "My health is now in 
the best condition, and I would not remember I was ever 
sick, were it not for the marks of friendship you gave me 
on that occasion. My good doctor (Cochrane) has attended 
me with his usual care and tenderness. He will see me on 
board, and then return to Head-quarters ; but the charge of 
your friend was entrusted to him till I was on board the 
frigate* I have met with the most kind hospitality in this 



LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. 100 

city, and, drinking water excepted, the doctor has done 
every thing he could to live happy ; he dances and sings 
at the assemblies most charmingly. * * * Farewell, 
my beloved general ; it is not without emotion I bid you 
this last adieu, before so long a separation. Don't forget 
an absent friend, and believe me, for ever and ever, with 
the highest respect and tenderest affection." 

He did not, however, sail until the 11th, and again took 
leave of Gen, Washington, as follows :— - 

" On board the Alliance, off Boston, 11th Jan., 1*179. 
■■ " The sails are just going to be hoisted, my dear general, and 1 
have but time to take my last leave of you. I may now be certain 
that Congress did not intend to send anything more by me. The 
navy board and Mr. Nevil write me this very morning from Boston, 
that the North River is passable '; that a gentleman from camp says» 
he did not hear of anything like an express for me. All agree for cer. 
tain that Congress think I am gone, and that the sooner I go the 
better. 

" Farewell, my dear general ; I hope your French friend will ever 
be dear to you ; 1 hope I shall soon see you again, and tell you my. 
self with what emotion I now leave the coast you inhabit, and with 
what aifection and respect I am for ever, my dear general, your re. 
respectful and sincere friend." 



CHAPTER Xll. 

The voyage — Incidents and dangers — Storm — Vessel dismasted—^ 
Conspiracy of the crew—Its suppression^ Arrival at Brest — Lafay^. 
ette's feelings— His cordial reception —At Versailles — Affected dis. 
pleasure of the king — Ludicrous vindication of royal prerogative — 
Lafayette in temporary exile — The queen's curiosity to see him — 
His liberation — Gracious reception at court — Becomes the lion of 
the day — Remembers the patriots of America — Patronised by the 
queen— Her admiration of Washington — Count de Vergennes^ — La^. 
fayette negotiates for aid to America — Proposed descent upon the 
English coast— Paul Jones— Correspondence with— Expedition 
abandoned — Preparations for an invasion of England, by Spain and 
France— Lafayette advances money for America— Offers to pledge 
his fortune — Plans for hiring vessels — For a loan — Letter of Wash- 
ington -To Franklin— Lafayette's correspondence with Gen .Wash ». 
ington and the President of Congress. 

The destinies of nations, as well as of individuals, are 
controlled by an overruling Providence. Infidelity, in its 
affected boldness, may deny it ; but by the conscience of 

10 



110 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

every sane mind which traces or observes the progress of 
events, the relation of cause and effect, this sublime truth is 
admitted. We have marked our young hero, in his incipi- 
ent progress, overcoming obstacles neither few nor trivial. 
AVe have followed him on his ocean path, from the old world 
to the new. We have seen him in the tented field, amidst 
the battle's din, courting danger and escaping harm. We 
have seen him borne down by toil and disease, miraculously 
rescued from a premature death, which seemed to surround- 
ing friends inevitable. And we have left him, again em- 
barked upon tempestuous seas, his heart pained with parting 
regrets, and swelling with high purposes and glorious re- 
solves, in behalf of an embryo nation, with whose fate and 
whose fame his own were to be closely linked, through the 
long progress of ages. 

Nor was the voyage of Lafayette to his native land to be 
without incidents and dangers. The passage at that season 
of the year was naturally long and boisterous. Near the 
Bank of Newfoundland the frigate encountered a violent 
storm. Her main-top-mast was torn away, she was nearly 
filled with water, and during a long and dark night, great 
apprehensions were felt on board that she would go to the 
bottom. Escaped from this danger of the elements, one of 
a different character was developed, when about two hun- 
dred leagues from the coast of France. A conspiracy was 
formed by the English and Irish sailors who had been en- 
gaged at Boston, to seize the ship and carry it into an En- 
glish port, where, according to a proclamation of the British 
government, they would be entitled to the value of the vessel. 
At the concerted time, a ringleader of the mutiny was to 
cry out ^^Asaiir^ which would naturally bring the pas- 
sengers and officers upon deck, when four pieces of cannon, 
loaded with cannister shot, prepared by the gunner's mate, 
were to be discharged among them. An English sergeant 
on board had also contrived to get possession of some loaded 
arms, which were to be used in the same manner. If any 
escaped death, they were to be seized and thrown overboard, 
except Lafayette, who was to be reserved for the purpose of 
exchanging him for General Burgoyne. The hour, first 
named, was four in the morning, but was changed to four 
in the afternoon. In the mean time, none of the conspira- 
tors being capable of navigating the vessel, they disclosed 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. Ill 

the plot to an American sailor, who had been employed for 
a long time on the coast of Ireland, and who, from his ac- 
quired Irish accent, they mistook to be an Irishman, and 
offered him the command of the vessel. He pretended to 
accede to their proposition ; but found an opportunity, 
about an hour before the time fixed for the execution of the 
conspiracy, to convey information of the plot to Lafayette 
and the captain. Rushing, sword in hand, upon deck, fol- 
lowed by the other officers and passengers, assisted by the 
sailors who were innocent, they seized thirty-one of the 
culprits, whom they placed in irons. Others, less guilty or 
dangerous, were reprimanded. A strong guard was placed 
on deck, and the officers went armed for the remainder of 
the voyage. None of the French or American sailors were 
engaged in the conspiracy thus providentially discovered 
and gallantly suppressed. 

Eight days thereafter, (February, 1779,) the Alliance en. 
tered safely the harbour of Brest, with the American flag 
floating from its mast. That flag, which had begun to be 
known and respected by the civilized world, was recognized 
with joy, and saluted by the fort. What must have been 
the feelings of Lafayette on this occasion? They cannot 
be described or conceived. He had left his country a i'ligi- 
tive, and almost an outcast. Against the advice of his 
friends and the authority of his government, he had stolen 
away to join a rebel standard, and to dare a rebel's fate. He 
returned, clothed with renown, bearing from the land of his 
adoption to the land of his birth, a name endeared to both, 
"Welcome and honours met him on his arrival, and attended 
him on his road to Paris, where he repaired with all possi- 
ble expedition. At Versailles, where he arrived on the 12th 
of February, he found his wife and family, from whom he 
had not heard for eight months previous. It was to them 
an unexpected, and to all a joyful meeting. But Lafayette 
had left France, in disobedience of the orders of the king ; 
and although France had since become the ally of Amer- 
ica, and Lafayette had distinguished himself in the service 
of both countries, his majesty adopted rather a ludicrous 
mode, and one not very creditable to his feelings, of vindica- 
ting the royal prerogative. Lafayette was forbidden to ap- 
pear at court ; he was banished from the face of royalty — 
not to a foreign land — not to the bastile — but to the fjotel 



113 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. 

de Noailles, the splendid residence in Paris of Madame La- 
fayette's family ! He was forbidden to appear abroad, or 
be seen except by the family. This event by no means di- 
minished the popular feelings in his favour. He was pri- 
vately visited by members of the cabinet, by whom he was 
questioned and complimented. The queen, partaking of the 
general interest, and of woman's curiosity, was desirous of 
seeing the young hero, whose name was upon all tongues. 
It was therefore arranged, that he should, before he went 
into exile, while the queen rode through them, be walking 
in the grounds at Versailles. True to America, and anxious 
alone for its fate, Lafayette applied to the French minister, 
Count Vergennes, to know if the king's orders would pro- 
hibit his seeing Doctor Franklin, with whom he had ap- 
pointed an interview, for the purpose of consulting on Amer- 
ican affairs ; and in the same letter, he opened to the count, 
the object he had in view. 

After eight days of political quarantine, Lafayette was 
restored to liberty, and permitted to wait upon the king, by 
whom he was kindly received, with a gentle reproof for the 
past and admonition for the future. He at once became 
the lion of the day, " the observed of all observers." He 
possessed the confidence of the cabinet, was in high favour 
at court, and popular with all classes of society. But 
amidst the exciting scenes of welcome, honours, and festiv- 
ities, the struggling patriots of America were not forgotten, 
and projects for aiding their cause, occupied his thoughts, 
♦' Accustomed (he says,) to see great interests supported 
by slender means, I often said to myself that the expense of 
one fete would have organized the army of the United 
States ; and to clothe that army I would willingly, accord- 
ing to the expression of M. de Maurepas, have unfurnished 
the palace of Versailles." 

The young and beautiful queen, Maria Antoinette, par- 
taking of the general enthusiasm, interested herself warmly 
in Lafayette's behalf. She procured for him the command 
of the regiment of king's dragoons. In the audiences which 
she granted him, she inquired much about America, and 
particular as to the character of Gen. Washington. Upon 
this theme, Lafayette was so earnest and eloquent, that the 
queen and all present were inspired with his enthusiasm ; 
Ctnd when she next saw Br. Franklin, the queen remarked 



LIFE OP LAFAYETfE. US 

to him, with her accustomed good nature and naivelie, " Do 
you know, doctor, that Lafayette has really made me in 
love with your General Washington 1 What a man he must 
be, and what a friend he possesses in the Marquis ! " 

The Count de Vergennes, an able statesman ; who pos- 
sessed the implicit confidence of the king, was at the head 
of affairs. Lafayette lost no time to commence a negotia- 
tion with him, and the other members of the French cab* 
inet, in personal interviews and by correspondence, to urge 
upon them immediate and efficient measures, in aid of Amer* 
ica. His efforts were at first attended with great difficult 
ties. There was a reluctance on the part of some of the 
ministers, to sending new armaments in any case, to Amer- 
ica. An idea was entertained, that a peace might be ob- 
tained without the expense of another American campaign, 
and that an attack upon England would facilitate this re» 
suit. Induced by these views, and desirous of doing some- 
thing, Lafayette had, previous to the first of April, planned 
an expedition, for a descent upon the west coast of England. 
This plan had the sanction of Dr. Franklin and the French 
minister of marines. A naval force, consisting of the Bon 
Homme Richard, the Alliance, the Pallas, and Vengeance* 
frigates, and two smaller vessels, were to be under the com- 
mand of the celebrated Paul Jones, and the land forces were 
to be commanded by Lafayette. It was to be under the Ameri. 
can flag, and its principal object to levy contributions upon 
Liverpool, Bristol, and other commercial towns, for the bene- 
fit of the American finances. On the 27th of April, Doctor 
Franklin addressed a letter to Jones, with particular instruc- 
tions for the expedition ; and stated to him, that, as it was 
understood to be an American expedition, Lafayette, who 
was a major-general in that service, would have command 
of the troops, recommending, harmony, &;c. Lafayette 
also wrote to Jones, and the latter, in reply, said : " So 
flattering and affectionate a proof of your esteem and friend- 
ship, has made an impression on my mind which will at- 
tend me while I live. This I hope to prove by more than 
words. Where men of fine feelings are concerned, there is 
seldom misunderstanding ; and I am sure I should do vio- 
lence to my sensibility if I were capable of giving you a 
moment's pain by SiUj part of my conduct." " I have received 
from the good Dr. Franklin instructions at large, which do 

10* 



114 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

honour to his liberal mind, and which it will give me th© 
highest satisfaction to execute. I cannot ensure success, 
but will endeavour to deserve it." 

This project, however, which seems not to have had thfr 
full confidence of the French ministers, was soon after, 
firstly on their part, abandoned. On the 22d of May, La- 
fayette informed Jones of this decision, stating, that milita- 
ry and political reasons had occasioned it, and added, "I 
am only to tell you, my good friend, how sorry I feel not to 
be a witness of your success, abilities and glory." "What 
will be further determined about 3'^our squadron, is un- 
certain, and the ministers are to consult with Dr. Franklin," 
The project of a more extended enterprise, was the princi- 
pal cause of abandoning this expedition. Spain was prepa- 
ring to act with France against England, and a general 
invasion was to take place, under the combined forces of 
the two nations. Preparations were immediately commen- 
ced on the part of France, which for some time occupied- 
the attention of Lafayette, who was to have an important 
command in the expedition. 

In the mean time, Lafayette relaxed not his exertions to 
procure aid and supplies, for the present wants of America ; 
and for this purpose he advanced his own funds, and offered 
even to pledge his entire fortune! In a letter to Count de- 
Vergennes, (April 26,) he submitted a proposition for hiring 
four ships of the line, with half of their crews, for one year,, 
from the king of Sweden, for the service of the United States. 
He proposed that the French government should advance 
the necessary funds for the equipment of the vessels, &c. ;- 
but if that should meet with obstacles, he said, " the govern- 
ment should pledge itself only in case it should exceed my- 
fortune !" He had not yet, he added, spoken to Dr. Frank- 
Jin about the scheme, but had consulted with the Swedish 
ambassador, whose views were favourable. 

Soon after Lafayette was informed, that a loan negotiated 
in Holland for England, would be withheld, on account of a 
demand of an additional one per cent, interest. He im- 
mediately wrote to Count de Vergennes, for the purpose of 
securing this loan for America. "I am told (he said) that 
some profits over and above the commission, might help 
America to this sum, amounting to above forty jnillions. 
I communicated this information to the Chevalier de la 



LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. 115 

Luzerne, to be imparted to you; but having discharged 
that duty towards the Americans, I feared lest M. Necker 
[Minister of Finance] would not share in my earnestness, 
I have already appropriated twenty millions to bank stock, 
ten to an expedition, and ten to pay the interest until the 
final reimbursement." 

In the same letter (June 1) he stated to the count, that 
he had just received information from America, that Con- 
gress had changed their determination respecting the joint 
expedition to Canada. This decision was communicated 
in letters from President Laurens and General Washington, 
which were intended to have reached Lafayette before he 
left Boston. Before the receipt of this information, how- 
ever, the French government had decided against the project. 
The letter from Washington, enclosed the following to Doc- 
tor Franklin, then in Paris : — 

" Philadelphia, 28iA December, 1778. 

♦' Sir, — The Marquis de Lafayette, having served with distinction 
as major-general in the army of the United States for two campaigns, 
has been determined, by the prospect of an European war, to returii 
to his native country. It is with pleasure that I embrace the opportu- 
nity of introducing to your personal acquaintance a gentleman, whose 
merit cannot have left him unknown to you by reputation. The gen- 
erous motives which first induced him to cross the Atlantick ; the tribute 
which he paid to gallantry at the Brandy wine ; his success in Jersey, 
before he had recovered from his wound, in an affair where he com- 
manded militia against British grenadiers ; the brilliant retreat, by 
which he eluded a combined manoeuvre of the British forces in the last 
campaign ; his services in the enterprise against Rhode Island ; are 
such proofs of his zeal, military order, and talents, as have endeared 
him to America, and must greatly recommend him to his prince. 

" Coming with so many titles to claim your esteem, it were need, 
less, for any other purpose than to indulge my own feelings, to add;^ 
that I have a very particular friendship for him ; and that, whatever 
services you may have it in your power to render him, will confer an 
obligation on one who has the honour to be— with the greatest esteem, 
regard, and respect, sir, &c." 

This letter, after being delayed in the manner we have 
stated, was not delivered to Doct. Franklin until long after 
it came into the hands of Lafayette ; and was thus acknow- 
ledged by Franklin to Washington, under date March 5th, 
'■1780 : " Sir — I received but lately the letter your excellency 
did me the honour of writing to me in recommendation of 
the Marquis de Lafayette. His modesty detained it long 
in his own hands. We became acquainted, however, from 



116 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

the time of his arrival at Paris ; and his zeal for the honour 
of our country, his activity in our affairs here, and his firm 
attachment to our cause, and to you, impressed me with the 
same regard and esteem for him which your excellency's 
letter would have done had it been immediately delivered to 
me." 

Lafayette also kept up his correspondence with America, 
although few of the letters on either side were received, 
having been lost or intercepted by the enemy. The Cheva- 
lier de la Luzerne being sent out by the French government 
to succeed M. Gerard, as their minister plenipotentiary in 
America, Lafayette wrote by the opportunity thus afforded, 
long letters to President Laurens and to Gen. Washington. 
Both letters are dated at St. Jean d'Angely, near Rochefort, 
June 12, 1779. We cannot forbear selecting from them 
such passages as we think will prove interesting to the 
readers of this volume, as a portion of the history of the man 
as connected with the times. To the President of Congress, 
after expressing his gratitude and affection for the Ameri- 
cans, he says : — 

" So deeply are those sentiments engraven on my heart, that I every 
day lament the distance which separates me from them, and that 
nothing was ever so warmly and passionately wished for, as to return 
again to that country of which I shall ever consider myself as a citi- 
zen ; there is no pleasure to beenjoyed which could equal this, of find- 
ing myself among that free and liberal nation, by whose affection and 
confidence I am so highly honoured ; to fight again with those brother 
soldiers of mine to whom I am so much indebted. But Congress 
knows that former plans have been altered by themselves, that others 
have been thought impossible, as they were asked too late in the year. 
I will therefore make use of the leave of absence they were pleased to 
grant me, and serve the common cause among my countrymen, their 
allies, until happy circumstances may conduct me to the American 
shores, in such a way as would make that return more useful to the 
United States. The affairs of America I shall ever look upon as my 
first business whilst I am in Europe. Any confidence from the king 
and ministers, any popularity I may have among my own countrymen,, 
any means in my power, shall be, to the best of my skill, and till the 
end of my life, exerted in behalf of an interest I have so much at 
heart. What I have hitherto done or said relating to America, I 
think needless to mention, as my ardent zeal for her is, I hope, well 
known to Congress ; but I wish to let them know that if, in my pro- 
posals, and in my repeated urgent representation for getting ships, 
money and support of any kind, I have not always found the ministry 
so much in earnest as I was myself, they only opposed to ms natural 
fears of inconveniences which might arise to both countries, or the 
conviction that such a thing was impossible for the present j but I 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 117 

never could question their good will towards America. If Congress 
believe that my influence may serve them, in any way, I beg they will 
direct such orders to me, that I may the more certainly and properly 
employ the knowledge I have of this court and country for obtaining 
a success in which my heart is so much interested." 
»»* ** * *** 

*' The so flattering affection which Congress and the American na- 
tion are pleased to honour me with, makes me very desirous of letting 
them know, if I dare speak so friendly, how I enjoyed my private 
situation. Happy, in the sight of my friends and family, after I was, 
by your attentive goodness, safely brought again to my native shore, 
I met there with such an honourable reception, with such kind senti- 
ments, as by far exceeded any wishes I durst have conceived ; I am 
indebted for that inexpressible satisfaction which the good will of my 
countrymen towards me affords to my heart, to their ardent love for 
America, to the cause of freedom and its defenders, their new allies, 
and to the idea they entertain that I have had the happiness to serve 
the United States. To these motives, sir, and to the letter Coru 
gress was pleased to write on my account, I owe the many favours 
the king has conferred upon me ; there was no time lost in appointing 
me to the command of his own regiment of dragoons, and every thing 
he could have done, every thing I could have wished, I have received 
on account of your kind recommendations. 

" I have been some days in this small town, near Rochefortharboux» 
where I have joined the king's regiment, and where other troops are 
stationed, which I for the moment command ; but I hope to leave this 
place before long, in order to play a more active part and come nearer 
the common enemy. Before my departure from Paris I sent to the 
minister of foreign affairs, (who by the bye, is one of our best friends,)^ 
intelligence concerning a loan in Holland, which I want France tia* 
make or answer for in behalf of America ; but I have not yet heard 
any thing on that head. M. le Chevalier de la Luzerne will give yoH 
more explicit and fresher news, as he is particularly ordered to do so, 
and he sets out directly from Versailles. That new minister plenipo- 
tentiary I beg leave to recommend most earnestly to Congress, not 
only as a publick man, but also as a private gentleman. From the 
acquaintance I have made with him, I conceive he is a sensible, modest, 
well-meaning man ; a man truly worthy of enjoying the spectacle of 
American freedom. I hope that by his good qualities and his talents, 
he will obtain both publick confidence and private friendship. 

*' Wherever the interest of beloved friends are seriously concerned, 
candid and warm affection knows not how to calculate, and throws 
away all considerations. I will frankly tell you, sir, that nothing can 
more effectually hurt our interest, consequence, and reputation, in 
Europe, than to hear of disputes or divisions between the whigs. 
Nothing could urge my touching upon this delicate matter but the 
unhappy experience of every day on that head, since I can hear, my- 
self, what is said on this side of the Atlantick, and the arguments I 
have to combat with." 

Lafayette's letter, of the same date, to Gen. Washington, 
is in the same patriotick spirit, intermingled with the fami- 



118 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. 

liar sentiments and expressions of personal friendship.. Of 
publick affairs, he remarked : — 

" In referring you to M. le Chevalier de la Luzerne, for what con- 
cerns the publick news of this time, the present situation of affairs, 
and the designs of our ministry, I will only speak to your excellency 
about that great article, money. It gave me much trouble, and I 
insisted upon it so much, that the director of finances looks upon me 
as a devil. France has met great expenses lately ; those Spaniards 
will not give their dollars easily. However, Dr. Franklin has got 
some money to pay the bills of Congress, and I hope I shall determine 
them to greater sacrifices. Serving America, my dear general, is to 
my heart an inexpressible happiness. 

" There is another point for which you should employ all your in- 
fluence and popularity. For God's sake prevent their loudly dispu- 
ting togetlier. Nothing hurts so much the interest and reputation of 
America, as to hear of their intestine quarrels. On the other hand 
there are two parties in France : MM. Adams and Lee on one part, 
Doctor Franklin and his friends on the other. So great is the con- 
cern which these divisions give me, that I cannot wait on these gen- 
tlemen as much as I could wish, for fear of occasioning disputes and 
bringing them to a greater collision. That, my dear general, I in- 
trust to your friendship, but I could not help touching upon that string 
in my letter to Congress." 

Of his private affairs and official employment, he stated 
in substance what he had related to President Laurens ; 
and added : " What I wish most, my dear general, what 
would make me the happiest of men, is to join again Amer- 
ican colours, or to put under your orders a division of four 
or five thousand countrymen of mine." With a confidence 
that never forsook him, he again repeated, that American 
independence was "a certain, undoubted point; but, (he 
added,) I wish to see that independence acknowledged with 
advantageous positions." America, he said, must show 
herself in good earnest for war, until such conditions were 
obtained. Lafayette expressed also, the warm desire of 
Madame Lafayette and himself, to see Gen. Washington 
and his lady in France, so soon as peace should be concluded. 
" All Europe, (he said,) wants to see you so much, my dear 
general, that you cannot refuse them that pleasure. I have 
boldly affirmed that you would pay me a visit after the 
peace is settled ; so that if you deny me, you will hurt your 
friend's reputation throughout the world." 

In a postscript, (dated June 13,) Lafayette informed Gen. 
Washington, that he had just received orders, by express, 
to repair immediately to Versailles, to meet the Count de 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 119 

Vaux, Lieut^ General, who was appointed to command the 
troops of the intended expedition against England. " In 
that army (he said) I shall be employed in the capacity of 
aide-mareshal -general des logis, which is, in our service, a 
very important and agreeable place ; so that I shall serve 
in the most pleasing manner, and shall be in a situation to 
know every thing, and to render services." 

The reply of Gen. Washington to this letter, is dated at 
West Point, 30th September, 1779. Intermingled with 
matters at that time of publick interest, it contained renewed 
proofs of the confidence and friendship with which Lafayette 
was regarded by Washington ; and the evidences of which 
constitute the highest tributes we can pay to the character 
and fame of our hero. 

*' It gave me infinite pleasure to hear from your sovereign, and of 
the joy which your safe arrival in France had diffused among your 
friends. I had no doubt that this would be the case ; to hear it from 
yourself adds pleasure to the account ; and here, my dear friend, let 
me congratulate you on your new, honourable, and pleasing appoint- 
ment in the army commanded by the Count de Vaux, which I shall 
accompany with an assurance that none can do it with more 
warmth of affection, or sincere joy, than myself. Your forward 
zeal in the cause of liberty ) your singular attachment to this 
infant world ; your ardent and persevering efforts not only in 
America, but since your return to France, to serve the United 
States ; your polite attention to Americans, and your strict and 
tmiform friendship for me, have ripened the first impressions of 
e^steem and attachment which I imbibed for you into such perfect 
love and gratitude, as neither time nor absence can impair. This will 
warrant my assuring you that, whether in the character of an officer 
at the head of a corps of gallant Frenchmen, if circumstances should 
require this ; whether as a major-general, commanding a division of 
the American army ; or whether, after our swords and spears have 
given place to the ploughshare and pruning-hook, I see you as a 
private gentleman, a friend and companion, I shall welcome you with 
all the warmth of friendship to Columbia's shores ; and, in the latter 
case, to my rural cottage, where homely fare and a cordial reception 
shall be substituted for delicacies and costly living. This, from past 
experience, I knov/ you can submit to ; and if the lovely partner of 
your happiness will consent to participate with us in such rural en- 
tertainment and amusements, I can undertake, in behalf of Mrs. Wasli- 
ington, that she will do everything in her power to make Virginia 
agreeable to the Marchioness." 

" You are pleased, my dear marquis, to express an earnest desire of 
seeing me in France, after the establishment of our independency, 
and do me the honour to add, that you are not singular in your request. 
Iwet me entreat you to be persuaded, that, to meet you anywhere, after 
the final accomplishment of so glorious an event, would contribute to 



120 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

my happiness ; and that to visit a country to whose generous aid we 
stand so much indebted, would be an additional pleasure ; but remem- 
ber, my good friend, that 1 am unacquainted with your language, that I 
am too far advanced in years to acquire a knowledge of it, and thai, to 
converse through the medium of an interpreter, upon common occa- 
sions, especially with the ladies, must appear so extremely awkward, 
insipid, and uncouth, that I can scarcely bear it in idea. I will, 
therefore, hold myself disengaged for the present ; but when I see you 
in Virginia, we will talk of this matter, and fix our plans." 



CHAPTER XIIL 

Lafayette continues his efforts in behalf of America— Prohibited by 
Congress from asking the aid of land forces — On his own responsi- 
bility, solicits from the French ministers a naval armament, money, 
clothing.and a large body of auxiliary troops— His plan for the expe- 
dition — Urges immediate action— Sword from Congress, presented 
by Dr. Franklin — Description of it — Letter of Dr. Franklin — La- 
fayette's reply — Letters to Gen. Washington and President Law- 
rens — Abandonment of the expedition against England — Summa*. 
ry of the campaign of 1779, in America — Renewed efforts of La- 
fayette— -Finally successful — Plan of the expedition agreed upon— 
Stipulations honourable to the Americans— Lafayette's instructions 
from the French Government — Sails again for America. 

The favourite project of Lafayette, for an attack upon 
Canada having been abandoned, he did not permit the con- 
templated expedition against England to divert him from 
projects which he deemed more important to the cause of 
America. To these projects he now gave increased atten- 
tion. The popular feeling in America was strong against 
the employing of foreign troops. The difficulties with the 
Fiench troops at Rhode Island, were fresh in mind, and 
were calculated to increase those natural jealousies which 
existed. Lafayette had therefore been enjoined by Con- 
gress, not to ask the aid of land forces from his govern- 
ment. But, he foresaw that such aid would be needed ; 
that it might arrive at a critical and an acceptable moment, 
and be decisive of the fate oi America, He, therefore, with 
true greatness of soul and decision of character, took the 
responsibility of acting, and urged upon the French minis- 
ters, not only the propriety of sending a large naval arma- 
ment, which should secure a decided naval superiority upon 
the American coast, with money, clothing, and munitions of 



IIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 121 

war for the army, but that these should be accompanied by 
a large body of auxiliary troops. To his repeated solicita* 
tions, they yielded by degrees. By request or Count de Ver- 
gennes, Lafayette submitted to him in writing, under date 
of July 18, his views for an expedition to America. This 
plan occupies a space equal to more than twelve pages of 
this work. The details are not essential to our purpose. 
They embraced a proposal for four thousand troops " well 
aware (he said) that a proposition on a large scale would 
not be acceded to." In the commencement he remarked : 

" The state of America, and the new measures which the British 
appear to be adopting, render this expedition more than ever necessary. 
Deserted coasts, ruined ports, commerce checked, fortified posts whence 
expeditions are sent, all seem to call for our assistance, both by sea 
and land. The smallest effort made now, would have more effect on 
the people than a great diversion at a more distant period ; but besides 
the gratitude of the Americans, and particularly of the oppressed 
states, a body of troops would insure us a great superiority on that 
continent. In short, sir, without entering into tedious details, you 
know that my opinions on this point have never varied, and my 
knowledge of this country convinces me, that such an expedition, if 
well conducted, would not only succeed in America, but would be of 
very essential service to our own country^" 

In conclusion, he said : 

•' For my own part, you know my sentiments, and you will never 
doubt that my first interest is to serve my country. I hope, for the 
sake of the publick good, that you will send troops to America. I shall 
be considered too young, I presume, to take the command, but I shall 
surely be employed. If, in the arrangement of this plan, any one, to 
whom my sentiments are less known than to yourself, in proposing for 
me either the command Or some inferiour commission, should assign 
as a reason, that I should thereby be induced to serve my country with 
more zeal either in council or in action, I take the liberty l^puttin^ 
aside the minister of the king) to request M. de Vergennes to come 
forward as my friend, and to refuse, in my name, favours bestowed 
from motives so inconsistent with my character.'* 

This communication made a favourable impression, and 
was destined to lead to important results. The expedition 
to England, however, not being yet abandoned, the French 
cabinet was inclined to postpone further operations in 
America, until another season. Lafayette was for immedi- 
ate action, although upon a moderate scale. In reply to a 
letter of Count de Vergennes, relative to the plan he had 
submitted, (Havre, 30th .Tuly,) Lafayette said: "Being 
convinced that there is no time to lose in adopting the 

11 



122 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE, |j 

fneasures which I propose, my love for my country makes? 
me feel an impatience, which I fear may pass for importu- 
nity ; but you will excuse a fault arising from a feeling 
which is dear to every good citizen." * * * " You are cer- 
tainly right in saying, my blood is in fermentation/' * * *^ 
f* You know, I hope, that any arrangement and any station 
will satisfy me, and that I do not claim promotion, or as- 
sistance, or any mark of favour whatsoever. If M. D'Orvil- 
liers, or a detachment, is now in the independent states of 
America, and my presence there can be in any way more 
serviceable than here, I shall be very willing to go over in 
an American frigate, which I will take on my own author* 
ity ; and with the very natural pretext of rejoining the ar- 
my in which I served, I will go and endeavour to use my 
influence for the advantage of my country." 

In case the project of combined operations with a squa- 
dron and land forces, should not be adopted that year, for 
want of means, Lafayette proposed that two or three thou- 
sand men, with three hundred dragoons, should be sent to 
Boston, to act in the mean time with the American army, 
and to be joined in the spring by ships of war and a re-en- 
forcement of troops. He added : 

" You have told me to give you all ray ideas. It is my duty to sub- 
Ttnit to you this last one, which, as it seems to me, is not liable to any 
objection. At first I was afraid of expressing my opinion so strongly 
as I was inclined to do. lest I should be suspected of peculiar motives 
and predilections ; but now that people must know me better, and that 
you have my entire confidence, I speak more freely, and I solemnly 
affirm, upon my honour, that if half my fortune was spent in sending 
succours of troops to the Americans, I should believe that, in so doing, I 
rendered to my country a service more important than this sacrifice." 

The sword, which Congress had directed Dr. Franklin to 
procure and present to Lafayette, was now prepared. It 
was appropriately devised and splendidly executed, by the 
best artists. The knob of the handle exhibited on one side, 
a shield, with Lafayette's arms, a marquis's coronet, sur- 
mounted by a streamer, on which his motto cur non, was 
inscribed. On the other side was a medallion, representing 
the first quarter of the moon, whose rays were shed over the 
sea, and the land of the American continent, which is seen 
in the horizon. In the foreground, was the coast of France, 
surrounded by a scroll, on which was inscribed the words 
crescam ut prosim — ^in reference to the rising liberty and 



LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. 123 

subsequent prospects of America. In the centre of the han- 
dle on each side, were two oblong medallions. The first 
represented Lafayette with his sword drawn, and his foot 
upon the prostrate British lion, in the attitude of inflicting 
upon it a mortal wound, but pausing, extending his hand, 
and seeming inclined to spare the liki of his victim. On the 
other medallion, America was represented under the device 
of a young half clad female, seated beneath a military tent, 
with one hand holding up her broken fetters, and with the 
other presenting a laurel branch to Lafayette. Other devices, 
of arms, laurel crowns, &;c. encircled the handle, and on one 
side of the guard. On the other, were the words, " From the 
American Congress to Marquis de Lafayette ^ 1779." On 
the curved parts of the guard were represented in medallions, 
four memorable events of the American war, in which La- 
fayette acted a distinguished part. — ]. The Battle of Glou- 
cester. 2. Retreat of Barren Hill. 3. Battle of Monmouth, 
4. Retreat of Rhode Island, Fac-similies of these views are 
given in those portions of this work where the events to 
which they relate are respectively recorded. 

Lafayette being still at Havre, Dr. Franklin forwarded 
the sword to him, with the following letter : 

" Passy, ^ith August, 1779. 
*' Sir, — The Congress, sensible of your merit towards the United 
States, but unable adequately to reward it, determined to present you 
with a sword, as a small mark of their grateful acknowledgment : 
they directed it to be ornamented with suitable devices. Some of the 
principle actions of the war, in which you distinguished yourself by 
your bravery and conduct, are therefore represented upon it. These, 
with a few emblematick figures, all admirably well executed, make its 
principal value. By the help of the exquisite artists of France, I find 
it easy to express everything but the sense we have of your worth, and 
our obligations to you for this, figures, and even words, are found insuf- 
ficient; I, therefore, only add that, with the most perfect esteem, I have 
the honour to be." B. Franklin. 

" P. S. My grandson goes to Havre with the sword, and will have 
the honour of presenting it to you." 

Lafayette replied, as follows : 

« Havre, 29th August, 1779. 
" Sir, — Whatever expectation might have been raised from the sense 
of past favours, the goodness of the United States to me has ever been 
such, that on every occasion it far surpasses any idea I could have 
conceived. A new proof of that flattering truth I find in the noble 
present, which Congress has been pleased to honour me with, and which 



124 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. 

is offered in such a manner by your excellency as will exceed every- 
thing, but the feelings of an unbounded gratitude. 

" In some of the devices I cannot help finding too honourable a re- 
ward for those slight services which, in concert with my fellow sol- 
diers, and under the god-like American hero's orders, I had the good 
fortune to render. The sight of those actions, where I was a witness 
of American bravery and patriotick spirit, I shall ever enjoy with that 
pleasure which becomes a heart glowing with love for the nation, and 
the most ardent zeal for its glory and happiness. Assurances of grati- 
tude, which I beg leave to present to your excellency, are much too 
inadequate to my feelings, and nothing but such sentiments can prop- 
erly acknowledge your kindness towards me. The polite manner in 
which Mr. Franklin was pleased to deliver that inestimable sword, lays 
me under great obligations to him, and demands my particular 
thanks. 

" With the most perfect respect, I have the honour to be , &c." 

On the 7th of October, from Havre, Lafayette wrote again 
to Gen. Washington and President Laurens. In these let- 
ters was shadowed forth the failure of the so long talked of 
expedition to England. His letter to Gen. Washington was 
couched in the same conjfidential and affectionate lan- 
guage which distinguish their mutual correspondence. He 
speaks to him of publick affairs, the projected expedition, 
and expresses an ardent desire of again serving under his 
beloved general, in the armies of America. 

" From' an American newspaper (he adds) I find that a certain Eng- 
lish intelligence had been propagated through the United States, that at 
the head of fifteen hundred officers or non-commissioned officers, I was 
going to embark for America, and that, with soldiers of your army 
embodied under them, I wanted to teach military discipline throughout 
the American army. However remote I am from thinking of teaching 
my own masters, and however distant from such views was that com- 
mand in France, whose end you very well know, I could not help 
taking it as a reflection on the American army. The English troops 
may remember that on some particular occasions I have not had to 
lament the want of discipline and spirit in the troops which I had the 
honour to command. Whilst we have but the same British army to 
fight with, we need not be looking out for any other improvement 
than the same qualities which have often enabled my fellow Ameri- 
can soldiers to give, instead of receiving, pretty good lessons to an 
enemy, whose justly-reputed courage added a new reputation to Ameri- 
can bravery and military conduct. 

•' The above article, my dear general, I beg you will have printed 
in the several newspapers" 

The dilatory movements of Spain, the dispersion of the 
combined fleets, when off the coast of England, by a storm, 
and the loss of five thousand men by an epidemick, with 



lilFE OP LAFAYETTE. 125 

other causes, led at length to the abandonment of the expe- 
dition against England, for which such formidable prepara- 
tions had been made. The year 1779 closed, therefore, 
upon the demonstrations of France and the exertions of La- 
fayette, without producing any direct aid or benefit to the 
cause of America. 

In the mean time the campaign in America had been 
conducted principally upon the defensive — a plan of opera- 
tions which Congress and Gen. Washington were induced 
to adopt, from the exhausted state of the country, the de- 
preciation of the currency, and the difficulty of recruiting 
^nd supplying the army. There seemed to be a relaxation 
of the publick energies, which was, perhaps, but a necessary 
repose, preparatory to more efficient exertions. Many 
events, however, of interest occurred, the details of which 
belong rather to history than to this memoir. Among 
these, were the successful and memorable expedition of Sul- 
livan against the Indians ; the taking of the forts at Ver- 
planck's Point and Stony Point by the British, and the re- 
taking of the latter, by the detachment under Wayne, one 
of the most brilliant exploits of the revolution ; and the 
gallant enterprise of Major Henry Lee, in which the ene- 
my's post at Paulus Hook was surprised and one hundred 
and fifty-nine prisoners taken. The main body of the Brit- 
ish forces continued in New York during the summer, from 
whence, by detachments, a system of devastation and plun- 
der was pursued. A detachment under Gen. Mathews, 
burnt and plundered in Virginia. Gen. Tryon, with an- 
other detachment, inflicted a similar fate upon New Haven, 
Fairfield, and Norwalk, in Connecticut. The enemy hav- 
ing failed in an attack upon Charleston, ravaged the de- 
fenceless settlements on the coast of South Carolina. They 
took possession of Savannah, in Georgia, and strongly forti- 
fied their position. Count D'Estaing, with the French fleet, 
after successful operations in the West Indies, having taken 
St. Vincent and Grenada, and had an engagement with the 
British fleet under Admiral Byron, in which the vessels of 
the latter were severely crippled, repaired to the southern 
coast of America. He was anxious to redeem his standing 
with the Americans, and render them essential service. In 
conjunction with the American troops under Gen. Lincoln, 
he laid siege to Savannah; and, on the 9th of October, impa- 

11* 



126 IIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

tient from the lateness of the season and the necessities of his 
fleet, made an unsuccessful assault, in which the French 
and Americans suffered severely, and Count Pulaski, the 
brave Polish exile and volunteer in our cause, was mortally 
wounded. Count D'Estaing soon after returned to Europe ; 
but his reappearance on our coast, had caused the enemy 
to evacuate Rhode Island, and also Stony Point and other 
posts on the Hudson, for the purpose of strengthening them- 
selves at the south. In December, Sir Henry Clinton sent 
seven thousand troops to South Carolina ; and Gen. Wash- 
ington directed two of the North Carolina regiments and 
the whole of the Virginia line, to enforce Gen. Lincoln's 
army at Charleston. During this season, the strong fortiv. 
fications at West Point and its vicinity were principally 
constructed ; and for this purpose two thousand five hun- 
dred men were a part of the time on daily fatigue duty. 
At the end of the campaign, Gen. Washington with his ar- 
my went into winter quarters at Morristown, with strong 
detachments at West Point, and other posts near the Hud- 
son. 

By the failure of the projected expedition against Eng» 
land, Lafayette was left free, and under more auspicious cir- 
cumstances, to pursue his plans for direct aid to America. 
With renewed diligence, he appealed to the national pride, 
the good faith, the honour and interest of the French gov- 
ernment, and with more success than he had reason to an- 
ticipate. On the 2d of February, 1780, by previous request 
he submitted to Count de Vergennes suggestions which were 
essentially adopted as the basis of an expedition to America. 
The naval force was to consist of six ships of the line, with 
the requisite number of transports, commanded by the Cheva- 
lier de Ternay. They were to take out twelve battalions 
of infantry, with the proper compliment of artillery for 
sieges and field service, amounting in all to six thousand 
men, under the command of Major-General the Count Ro- 
chambeau, a brave and experienced ofhcer. These troops, as 
had been expressly stipulated by Lafayette, were to be con- 
sidered as auxiliaries ; their commander, when in America, 
was in all cases to be under the command of Gen. Wash- 
ington ; and when united, the x\merican troops were to take 
the right, and the American officers of equal rank and 
the same date of commission, were to have the command. 



LIFE OP LAFAYETTE, 127 

Upon these principles, the instructions of Gen. Rocham- 
beau were framed, and cautiously guarded, so as to pre- 
vent misunderstanding or collision, and to ensure harmony 
of feeling and action between the French and American 
troops and officers. Having gained thus much, Lafayette 
also solicited large supplies of clothing, arms and munitions 
of war, for the American army. These were promised to 
be sent with the fleet, and the expedition was to be ready to 
sail the fore part of April. Lafayette was to have no com- 
mand in the expedition ; but was to repair as soon as prac- 
ticable to America, and resume his service as an American 
officer. By his instructions from the French minister (Ver- 
gennes) he was directed " to'proceed immediately to join 
General Washington, and communicate to him the secret, 
that the king, willing to give the United States a new proof of 
his affection, and of his interest in their security, is resolved 
to send to their aid, at the opening of Spring, six vessels of 
the line and six thousand regular troops of infantry." He had 
also explicit instructions and ample powers to arrange for 
the reception of the French fleet and forces in America^ and 
for their co-operation with those of the United States. The 
French frigate Hermoine was assigned to him for the 
voyage, and he sailed from Isle of Aix, near Rochelle,. on the 
19th of March, 1780. 



CHAPTER XIV. 

Lafayette arrives at Boston — Letter to Gen. Washington — Joy at his 
return— Repairs to Head-quarters — His reception —Visits Philadel- 
phia — Welcomed, by Congress — Plans for future operation — De- 
plorable state of the army and country — Efforts of Washington, 
seconded by Lafayette — Patriotick exertions of the ladies of Phila- 
delphia — Liberal subscription of Lafayette — Arrival of the French 
fleet — Lafayette commissioned to meet it — Authorized to confer with 
the French admiral and general — Negotiations and correspondence 
— Zeal and perseverance — Plans of attack — Causes of embarrass- 
ment and delay — Approbation of Washington. 

The gales which wafted their brave champion once more 
to the land of struggling freemen, were propitious. The 
tide of fortune had turned towards the coast of America, 
The Hermoine arrived off" Boston, the 27th of April, and 



128 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

Lafayette, with joyful heart, thus announced his approach 
to Gen. Washington : — 

^^ At the entrance of Boston harbour, April 27, 1780. 

" Here I am, my dear general, and, in the midst of the joy I feel in 
finding myself again one of your loving soldiers, I take but the time 
to tell you that I came from France on board a frigate which the king 
gave me for my passage. I have affairs of the utmost importance 
which I should at first communicate to you alone. In case my letter 
finds you anywhere this side of Philadelphia, I beg you will wait 
for me, and do assure you a great publick good may be derived from 
it. To-morrow Ave go up to the town, and the day after I shall set 
off in my usual way to join my beloved and respected friend and 
general. 

" Adieu, my dear general; you will easily know the hand of your 
young soldier. 

" My compliments to the family." 

Lafayette was received at Boston with the greatest en- 
thusiasm, and amidst the roar of cannon and the ringing of 
bells, escorted to the residence of Gov. Hancock. These 
were spontaneous tributes to his personal worth and ser- 
vices ; for neither the people nor the publick authorities, yet 
knew of the important aids he had secured for their country. 
They knew, however ;, that he brought with him a heart de- 
voted to their cause, with the ability, as well as the disposi- 
tion, to serve it efficiently, and for these they valued most 
highly, and welcomed him sincerely. Nor did the news of 
his return excite less emotion, wherever it was communi- 
cated. The feelings of Gen. Washington are manifested in 
his reply to the foregoing letter : — 

" Morristown, May 8, 1785. 
" My dear Marquis, — Your welcome favour of the 27th of April 
came to my hands yesterday. I received it with all the joy that the 
sincerest friendship would dictate, and with that impatience which an 
ardent desire to see you could not fail to inspire. I am sorry I do not 
know your route through the State of New York, that I might with 
certainty send a small party of horse, all I have at this place, to meet 
and escort you safely through the Tory settlements, between this place 
and the North River. At all events Major Gibbs will go as far as Comp- 
ton where the roads unite, to meet you ; and will proceed from thence, as 
circumstances may direct, either towards King's Ferry or New Wind- 
sor. I most sincerely congratulate you on your safe arrival in Ameri- 
ca, and shall embrace you with all the warmth of an affectionate 
friend, when you come to Head.quarters, where a bed is prepared for 
you. Adieu till we meet. Yours, &c." 

Lafayette proceeded immediately from Boston to the 
Head-quarters of Gen. Washington, where his reception^ 



LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. 129 

by the Commander-in-chief and the whole army, was most 
cordial. After the first greeting, he disclosed to Gen. Wash- 
ington, in a private interview, the nature and extent of the 
aid which was to follow him from the French government. 

To the Chevalier de la Luzerne, Washington wrote the 
day after Lafayette's arrival, (May 11th) : " You will par- 
ticipate in the joy I feel at the arrival of the Marquis La- 
fayette. No event could have given me greater pleasure 
on a personal account, and motives of publick utility con- 
spire to make it agreeable. He will shortly have the honour 
to wait upon your excellency, and impart matters of the 
greatest moment to these states. He announces a fresh and 
striking instance of the friendship of your court, which 
cannot fail to contribute greatly to perpetuate the gratitude 
of this country." 

The preparations for the French expedition, had thus far 
been managed with great secrecy. By his instructions, as 
will have been seen, Lafayette on his arrival in America 
was to repair immediately to Gen. Washington, communi- 
cate to him the secret, and make with him arrangements 
for the co-operation of the French and American forces. 
He was then to proceed to Philadelphia, see first M. de la 
Luzerne, and according to the advice of Gen. Washington, 
concurred in by the French minister, disclose or not the 
secret and the details of the expedition to Congress. Gen. 
Washington, however, was reluctant to take upon himself 
the responsibility of arranging a plan of combined opera- 
tions. It was therefore concluded that Lafayette should 
proceed immediately to Philadelphia, to concert further 
measures with the French minister, and particularly as to 
the expediency of acquainting Congress of the expected 
arrival of the French troops, while in the mean time Gen, 
Washington was to apply himself with all possible activity 
to hasten forward troops and collect provisions. After a 
brief stay, therefore, of two days at Head-quarters, Lafayette, 
with his usual zeal and alacrity, set out for Philadelphia. 
He bore with him the following letter, from Gen. Washing- 
ton to the President of Congress : — 

" MorrisHown, I3th May, 1780. 
" Sir, 
" The Marquis de Lafayette will have the honour to deliver to you 
this letter, I am persuaded Congress will participate in the joy I feel 



130 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

at the return of a gentleman, who has so signally distinguished him- 
self in the service of this country, who has given so many and so decisive 
proofs of liis attachment to its interests, and who ought to be dear to 
it from every motive. The warm friendship I have for him conspires 
with considerations of publick utility to afford me a double satisfac- 
tion in his return. During the time he has been in France, he has 
uniformly manifested the same zeal in our affairs, which animated his 
conduct while he was among us ; and he has been upon all occasions 
an essential friend to America. He merits, and I doubt not Congress 
will give him, every mark of consideration in their power. I have 
the honour to be, &c.'* 

On his arrival in Philadelphia, Lafayette was greeted 
with the warmest publick and private demonstrations of 
welcome. A resolution was promptly adopted by Congress, 
(May 16,) declaring, that his return to America to resume 
his command, was considered by Congress " as a fresh proof 
of the disinterested zeal and persevering attachment, which 
have justly recommended him to the publick confidence and 
applause, and that they receive with pleasure a tender of 
the further services of so gallant and meritorious an officer." 

As the French fleet was to have sailed about the first of 
April, its arrival was daily expected. On the 16th May, 
Gen. Washington wrote to Lafayette : " Since you left me 
I have more fully reflected on the plan which it will be 
proper for the French fleet and army to pursue, on their 
arrival upon the coast ; and it appears to me, in the present 
situation of the enemy at New York, that it ought to be our 
first object to reduce that post, and that it is of the first 
importance not to lose a moment to repair to that place." 
He therefore advised Lafayette to write to the French gen- 
eral and admiral, in conformity with these views. On the 
19th, he writes: "I impatiently wait, my dear Marquis, to 
know the result of the arrangements you were to make with 
Congress. The time glides away so fast, and we have so 
little before us, that every moment is infinitely precious and 
ought to be improved." He suggested publishing an address 
to the Canadians, and to the Indians, and the insertion in 
the papers of a paragraph to the effect, that the Marquis 
Lafayette had brought intelligence that a large land and 
naval force was to be sent out by France, and that an at- 
tack on New York was intended. These publications, he 
supposed, would have a tendency to deceive and distract 
the enemy. 

Lafayette despatched M. de Galvan, a French officer in 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 181 

the service of the United States, to Cape Henry, to await 
the arrival of the French fleet. He enclosed Gen. Wash- 
ington's letter of the 16th, in one to Count Rochannbeau, 
in which he gave to the count a statement of his arrival 
and reception, and the state of affairs in America. He ad- 
vised, in conformity with the views of Gen. Washington, that 
the French fleet should sail immediately for Sandy Hook, 
deeming the circumstances favourable to a combined attack 
upon New York. 

Congress, being made acquainted with the nature of the 
expected expedition, resolved, on the •20th May, that the 
Commander-in-chief, "after receiving such communications 
from the Marquis de Lafayette as he had to offer, should 
take such measures for carrying on the operations of the 
campaign as would effectually promote the purposes in view." 
A committee was also appointed, consisting of Philip Schuy» 
ler, John Mathews, and Nathaniel Peabody, to confer with 
M. de la Luzerne and Gen. Washington, and to correspond 
with the governours of the states, in reference to supplies 
for the French forces, (fee. 

In a letter of May 20th, of little publick interest, Gen» 
Washington says to Lafayette : " Finish your business as 
soon as you can, and hasten home, for so I would always 
have you consider Head*quarters and my house." Lafay- 
ette obeyed this injunction, with as much cordiality as it 
was given, and soon after returned to Head-quarters to 
await the arrival of the French fleet and army. 

At this period, the American army was in a deplorable 
state of suffering, from the want of both food and clothing. 
There was such neglect on the part of the states who were 
to furnish them quotas of supplies, and indifference among 
the people, as caused even Washington himself almost to 
despair. "Indeed (he says to President Reed, of Pennsyl- 
vania,) I have almost ceased to hope. The country in gen^ 
eral is in such a state of insensibility and indifference to its 
interests, that I dare not flatter myself with any change for 
the better." In the same letter he remarks : " This is a 
decisive moment ; one of the most, I will go further and 
say, the most important America has seen. The court of 
France has made a glorious effort for our deliverance, and 
if we disappoint its intentions by our supineneas, we must 
become contemptible in the eyes of all mankind ; nor can 



132 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. 

we after that venture to confide, that our allies will persist 
in an attempt to establish what we want inclination or ability 
to assist them in." Mr. Madison entertained similar ap- 
prehensions. In a letter to Mr. Jefferson, dated June 2d, 
he said, in reference to the expected auxiliary armament 
from France : " However anxiously its arrival may be 
wished for, it is much to be feared we shall continue to be 
so unprepared to co-operate with them, as to disappoint their 
views, and to add to our distress and disgrace. Scarce a 
week, and sometimes scarce a day, but brings us a most la- 
mentable picture from Head-quarters. iStrong appeals were 
made, through Congress and the several state authorities, to 
arouse the energies of the nation, and to place the army in a 
condition to co-operate efficiently with the French forces on 
their arrival. In these efforts, under these trying circumstan- 
ces, Washington found in Lafayette a faithful auxiliary. In- 
deed, when we consider the state of the army and the coun- 
try, at this time, from the depreciation of the paper currency, 
the indifference of publick feeling, and the divided councils 
which prevailed — we must admit that to the exertions of 
Lafayette, which secured, against the advice of America 
itself, the aid of an armed force from France at such a crisis* 
this country is essentially indebted for the establishment of 
its independence. This noble effort of their young chami« 
pion, and the brave allies he secured to them, enkindled 
anew the hope and zeal of the American people. 

Inspired by the spirit of patriotism, the ladies of Phila* 
delphia raised a large amount by subscription, to supply 
clothing and necessaries for the army. While this object 
was in progress, and before he left Philadelphia, Lafayette 
subscribed to it, in the name of Madame Lafayette, the 
generous sum of one hundred guineas. 

Preparations for the reception of the French forces, and 
for a prompt and vigorous co-operation with them, were 
continued throughout the month of June, and their arrival 
was daily and anxiously expected. At length the welcome 
intelligence was announced in a letter from Gen. Heath at 
Providence, to Gen. Washington, dated July 11th, that the 
French fleet arrived off Newport the day previous, and was 
then standing into the harbour. This letter was received 
by Gen. Washington, July 14, and its contents communica- 
ted the same day to the PA-esident of Congress, " I con« 



LIFE OF LAFAYETT^E. 133 

gratulate Congress, (he said.) on this imporfant event, and 
entreat them to press every measure in their power to put 
us, as soon as possible^ in a condition to begin the intended 
co-operation with vigilance and efficiency." Three days 
thereafter, Lafayette departed from Head-quarters for New- 
port, with full authority and instructions to arrange with 
the French general and admiral, measures for future and 
combined operations. He bore with him a letter from Gen, 
Washington to the Count de Rochambean, in which, after 
expressing, in the name of the American army and in his 
own, an assurance of their warmest sentiments for allies 
who had so generously come to their aid, "Gen. Washington 
concludes as follows :-— 

" The Marquis de Lafayette has been by me desired from time to 
time to communicate such inteIHgence, and make such pi-opositions, 
as circumstances dictated. I think it so important, immediately to 
fix our plan of operations, and with as much secrecy as possible, that 
I have requested him to go himself to New London, where he will 
probably meet you, As a general officer, I have the greatest confi- 
dence in him ; as a friend, he is perfectly acquainted with my senti- 
ments and opinions. He knows all the circumstances of our armv 
and the country at large. All the information he gives, and all 
tbe propositions he makes, I entreat you to consider as coming from 
me. 1 request you will settle all arrangements whatsoever with him : 
and I shall only add, that I shall exactly conform to the intentions of 
his Most Christian Majesty, as explained in the several papers put 
into my hands by his order, and signed by his ministers. 

" Permit me to refer you to the Marquis de Lafayette for more 
particular assurances of what I feel on this occasion, which I the 
more readily do, from a knowledge of his peculiar affection and re. 
gard for you." 

The instructions of Gen. Washington to Lafayette, com« 
prised the basis of a plan for a combined attack upon the 
enemy at New York. In his progress to Newport, Lafay- 
ette passed several days in calling upon Gov. Trumbull, of 
Connecticut, Gen. Parsons, the commissary-general, and 
other persons, to procure and hasten forward troops, and all 
the arms and ammunition which could be spared from that 
state, as well to co-operate with (he French troops on their 
landing, as to supply the Araeiucan army. Of these inter- 
views, he gave an account in several letters, to Gen. Wash- 
ington. 

In the mean time. Gen. Washington announced to the 
American army, in feeling and complimentary terms, by 
general order of Julv 20th, the arrival of the French forces, 

12 



134 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

He also recommended to the officers of the army, to wear 
cockades of black and white intermixed, as a symbol of 
the alliance with France^ and a compliment to the French 
officers, who wore white cockades. 

On reaching Newport, (July 25,) Lafayette found the 
French troops disembarked, and fortifying themselves in a 
favourable position, covered by the fleet, prepared rather for 
defensive than offensive operations. They were indeed ex- 
pecting an attack from the British, having been informed 
that Gen. Clinton, with a large land and naval force, had 
left New York with that design. Under these circumstan- 
ces, Lafayette wrote to Gen. Washington, (July 26) : " We 
could not speak of our grand operations, and they (the 
French general and admiral,) are wholly taken in their ex- 
pectations of the enemy." 

Although the fitting out of the French armament had been 
conducted with the strictest intent of secrecy, and was un- 
known to the Americans until the arrival of Lafayette ; yet 
the British government had possessed itself of the knowl- 
edge of the nature and destination of the expedition, and 
had communicated the same to Gen. Clinton. He was 
thus enabled to withdraw a large body of troops from the 
south to strengthen his position at New York, before the 
arrival of the French fleet, the departure of which from 
France had been delayed for one month, by contrary winds 
and other causes. It was to have sailed the first week of 
April, but did not sail till the 2d of May. Nor was this de- 
lay in the arrival of the fleet, the most serious source of dis- 
appointment to the hopes and cause of the Americans. Seven 
thousand five hundred troops were to have accompanied the 
expedition: Five thousand five hundred only were sent. 
And what was a still more serious omission, none of the 
arms, munitions of war, and clothing, which bad been in- 
cluded in the arrangements with Lafayette, and which 
were so much needed by the American army, had been for- 
warded. These essential supplies, so unfortunately neglect- 
ed, were to be sent with the two thousand additional troops 
by a second division of the armament. The embarrass- 
ments thus occasioned to Gen. Washington, were great. 
In a letter to Lafayette of July 22, he says : " Unless our 
allies can lend us largely, we can attempt nothing. With 
©very effi^rt we can make, we shall fall short four or five 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 135 

tliousand arms, and two hundred tons of powder." He re- 
quests the marquis to ascertain whether the French com- 
mander could assist with a loan of that quantity of arms 
and ammunition, and to inform him without delay, by ex- 
press. July 27, he says : 

"I perceive, my dear marquis, that you are determined to 
take New York, and that obstacles only increase your zeal. 
I am sorry that our prospects instead of brightening, grow 
duller. I have already written you on the subject of arms. 
There is no probability of our getting the number we want 
from the states ; so that, without the timely arrival of those 
we expect, or the assistance of our allies, this alone will 
prove an insurmountable obstacle. Our levies come in 
even slower than I expected ; though we have still an 
abundance of fair promises and some earnest of perform- 
ance from the Eastern states." 

Clinton still threatening the French at Newport with a 
combined attack. Gen. Washington put the body of his 
troops under marching orders, and ordered those at West 
Point to King's Ferry. Of this he informed Lafayette, and 
requested him to urge upon the council of Massachusetts 
the necessity of getting ready their supplies, and particu- 
larly to " dwell upon the articles of arms and ammunition.'* 

Lafayette anticipated the wishes and promptly obeyed 
the instructions of Washington. In the preparations for 
defence against the threatened attack, he was active and 
useful. Gen. Heath, who commanded the American forces 
at Rhode Island, had promptly called in the aid of the militia 
from Connecticut and Massachusetts, and had concerted 
with Lafayette and the French general and admiral, a reg- 
ular plan of defence. This was communicated by Lafay- 
ette to Gen. Washington, and called forth an expression of 
his approbation. After some days, however, it was thought 
that the design of attack had been relinquished by the ene- 
my ; and Lafayette resumed with ardour his negotiations 
for the furtherance of a combined attack by the French and 
American forces, upon New York. In the mean time he 
exerted himself to relieve the disappointment expressed by 
Gen. Washington, from the want of clothing, and procured 
from the ^eet a small supply, which he forwarded to Head- 
quarters. He also endeavoured, with equal zeal, to procure 
from the French fleet, and from the governour of Connecti- 



136 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

cut, a supply of arms and ammunition. He communicated 
to Gen. Washington the almost hopeless prospect of success 
in this matter. Gov. Trumbull, of Connecticut, thought 
there were great difficulties in the way, and Lafayette ex- 
pressed only the hope, that the French fleet would spare 
some powder, " not, however, a great deal." Such were the 
privations and difficulties of the period, 

Lafayette laboured with Count Rochambeau, to induce 
him to consent to immediate offensive operations. The 
count was disposed to act with caution, and to await the 
arrival of the second division of his expedition. Tiie pro- 
gress of these negotiations were regularly reported to Gen. 
Washington. On the 31st July, Lafayette wrote : " My 
dear general — In conseq^uence of a note from me, the admi- 
ral came to last evening, and offensive ideas gave way to 
offensive plans. Our conversation was long, and it is not 
yet ended, but I hasten to write you a summary report of 
of what passed between the count, the chevalier, and my- 
self." The *' offensive plans," corresponded with those of 
Gen. Washington for an attack upon New York — depend- 
ent, however, upon the arrival of the expected re-enforce- 
ments. In the conclusion of this letter, Lafayette expresses 
his gratification at the zeal manifested by the French army, 
and the harmony which prevailed between the French and 
Americans, as follov/s : — 

'^' The French army hate the idea of staying here, and want to join 
you ; they swear at those that speak of waiting for the second divi- 
sion ; they are enraged to be blockaded in this harbour. As to the dis- 
positions of the inhabitants and our troops, and the dispositions of the 
inhabitants and the militia for them, they are such as I may wish. 
You w©uld have been glad the other day to see two hundred and fifty of 
our drafts that came on from Connecticut without provisions or tents, 
and who were mixed in such a way with the French troops, that every 
French soldier and officer took an American with him and divided 
their bed and their supper in the most friendly manner. 

"The patience and sobriety of our militia is so much admired by 
the French Officers, that two days ago a French Colonel called all his 
officers together to desire them to take the good examples which were 
given to the French soldiers by the American troops. So far are 
they gone in their admirations that they find a great deal to say in 
favour of General Yarnum, and his escort of Militia Dragoons, who 
fill up all the streets of Newport. On the other hand, the French 
discipline is such, that chickens and pigs walk between the tents with- 
out being disturbed, and that there is in the camp a cornfield, from 
which not one leaf has been touched. The Tories don't know what 
to say to it," 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE, 137 

But, more positive demonstrations of attack, were soon 
manifested by the enemy. On the 31st of July, Gen. Wash- 
ington wrote to Lafayette and Count de Rochambeau, that 
Sir Henry Clinton had sailed with a force of about eight 
thousand men, for the purpose of attacking the French po- 
sition at Newport ; and that he (Gen. Washington,) had 
put his whole army in motion towards New York, for the 
purpose of attacking it in the absence of Clinton, if the 
force remaining there did not exceed what he had reason 
to believe. By the junction of Admiral Graves with Ad- 
miral Arbuthnot, about the time of the arrival of the French 
fleet, the British had secured upon the coast a decided naval 
superioril;y. Sir Henry Clinton, therefore, formed a plan 
of a joint operation of his land and naval forces against 
the French at Newport, and having marched six thousand 
troops from New York to Frog's Neck, embarked them on 
the 27th of July, on board transports to proceed through 
the sound for that purpose. Such, however, had been the 
delay, that the French had become well fortified, and the 
American militia had assembled in large forces, to aid in 
the defence. Being informed of these facts, and of the 
rapid march of Gen. Washington towards New York, Sir 
Henry Clinton deemed it prudent to abandon the expedition. 
He therefore crossed the sound to Huntington Bay, where 
the troops were disembarked on the 31st of July, and hast- 
ened back to New York. 

In the mean time, the exertions of Lafayette had been 
diverted from his negotiations, to measures of defence. 
He informed Gen. Washington of these, and that he was ta 
have command of the vanguard of Gen. Heath's forces, 
on the island. " If the enemy land, (he says,) I will try to 
oppose it, and the French will come in columns to attack 
them with fixed bayonets." In the same letter, he says : 
"If you think seriously of entering on the Island of New 
York, I am extremely sorry to stay here." He was anx- 
ious, in that event, to command the corps which had been 
assigned to him, and desired Gen. Washington, if there was 
time, to send for him. The abandonment of the projected 
attack, however, by Sir Henry Clinton, changed the aspect 
of affairs. The militia, except about three thousand who 
were called out for three months, were dismissed from Rhode 
Island : Gen. Washington retraced his steps, and Lafayette 

12* 



138 LIFE OS' LAFAYETTE. 

resumed his conferences with the French commanders^. In 
reference to these, Gen. Washington wrote to him, from 
Peekskill, August 3d, as follows :■ — 

" My dear Marq,uis — The blunders which have been made with 
respect to arms, ammunition, and clothing, are serious disappoint- 
ments. I think, however, from a closer inspection of our means, that 
we shall be able to collect nearly arms enough to put into the hands 
of our recruits, and powder enough to undertake the enterprise, if in 
the course of the operation we can depend on the fifty tons expected 
from France, and can obtain fifty tons more from the fleet. I would 
not wish you to press the French general and admiral to any thing to 
which they show a disinclination, especially to the withdrawing of 
their troops from Rhode Island before the second division arrives to^ 
give them a naval superiority. Should they yield to importunity and 
an accident happen, either there or here, they would lay the conse- 
quences to us. Only inform tliem- what we can do, what we are 
willing to undertake, and let them entirelv consult their own inclina-- 
tion for the rest." « * * *■ V * * « * * 
*' Your Light Infantry is formed, about two thousand fine men; but 
the greater part of them without clothing." 

In a subsequent letter, Gen. Washington expressed his 
approbation of the course Lafayette had taken at Newport. 
"I rejoice, (he said,) in the approbation your countrymen 
give to mine, and in the marks of mutual good will. The 
alliance ought to be cemented in affection, and you will be 
justly dear to both countries for the share you have in bind« 
ing it by those powerful and pleasing ties." 



CHAPTER XV, 

Lafayette returns to Head-quarters — His favourite command of Eighth 
Infantry — His liberality to it — Thatcher's description of — Anxious 
for the attack of New York — Correspondence with Count Rocham- 
beau — The Count offended — Lafayette's explanations — Admonitory 
letter of Count Rochambeau — Lafayette accompanies Gen. Wash- 
ington to Hiartford — Interview between the American and French 
commanders — Return to West Point — Treason of Arnold — Its de- 
tection — Arrest of Andre — Lafayette's account of these events — 
One of the Board of Officers wliich tried Andre — Concurs in the 
expediency of his execution. 

\Lafayette arrived at Head-qimrters on the 7th of Au- 
gust, and took command of the corps of Light Infantry, 
mentioned near the close of the preceding chapter. This- 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 139 

corps had been selected from the difTerent regiments of the 
main army, and organized express!}'- for the command of 
Lafayette, during the campaign. It consisted of six bat- 
talions, of eight companies each, arranged in two brigades, 
one of which was commanded by Gen. Hand and the other 
by Gen. Poor. Its station was in advance of the main 
army. The assignment to him of this corps was a deserved 
compliment to Lafayette, and was by him highly appreci- 
ated. We have seen it described by Gen. Washington, as 
*• two thousand fine men ; but the greater part of them with- 
out clothing." This afforded to Lafayette a new opportu- 
nity of exercising his liberality. He presented to each 
officer of the corps an elegant sword, and the soldiers were 
clothed in uniform at his expense. Banners, with appro- 
priate devices, which he had brought from France, were 
presented to each battalion. Upon one of these a cannon 
was painted, with the motto. Ultima ratio, (the last appeal,) 
suppressing the word regnum, (the king,) as used in Europe ; 
and upon another, a crown of laurel united with a civick 
crown, with the motto, No other. "He infused into this 
corps (says Thatcher) a spirit of pride and emulation, view- 
ing it as one formed and modelled according to his own 
wishes, and as deserving his highest confidence. They 
were the pride of his heart, and he the idol of theii' regard ;- 
constantly panting for an opportunity of accomplishing 
some signal achievement worthy of his and their character. 
This corps was pronounced equal to any that could be pro- 
duced in any country." 

Lafayette had embraced the plan of a combined attack 
upon the enemy at New York, with his usual ardour, and 
was for prosecuting it with his wonted perseverance. Soon 
after his return to Head-quarters, he wrote to the French 
general and admiral, (August &th,) stating in detail the sub- 
stance of his late conferences with them at Newport, and 
the points upon which they had agreed, in reference to fu- 
ture operations. His object was, to obtain from them a 
confirmation in writing of his own verbal statements, for 
the eye of Gen. Washington, that there might be no room 
for misunderstanding between the Commander-in-chief and 
the commanders of the French fleet and army. This diplo^ 
matick formula was not altogether pleasing to Count de 
Rochambeau. He answered (August 12,) in the spirit of 



140 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

kindness, but with evident chagrin. He had written, he 
said, his views in full to Gen. Washington. " I am now, 
therefore, (he adds,) waiting for his last orders, and I have 
earnestly requested him to grant me the favour of an inter- 
view, that the admiral and I may receive from his own lips 
the last plan he has decided upon. We should do more in 
a quarter of an hour's conversation than we could do by 
multiplied despatches." He justifies the continuance of the 
French in their position at Rhode Island, as the most pru- 
dent and efficient policy which he could adopt, until the 
arrival of the expected second division of the French forces. 
Lafayette in reply, disavowed all intention of reflecting upon 
the general's conduct, and expressed himself hurt, that such 
an interpretation should have been given to his communi- 
cation, asking for a written statement of their late confer- 
ences. This was done, he said, at the request of General 
Washington, who believed that the best way of interchang- 
ing their views on the subject of the campaign, was to write 
them down. The only time, he said, when he had taken 
the liberty of speaking for himself, was when, wearied by the 
questions which had been put to him by a thousand Ameri- 
cans about the expected second division, and the superiority 
of the English at that period, he had yielded to his ardenfc 
wish of entering at once on action, and to the hope of com- 
mencing operations immediately. " If you had heard (he 
remarked) that second division spoken of, sir, as I have 
done; if you knew how strongly the English and Tories 
endeavour to persuade the Americans that France only 
wishes to kindle, without extinguishing the flame, you would 
readily conceive, that my desire of silencing these reports 
might have inspired me, perhaps, with too much warmth. 
I will confide to you, that, thus placed in a foreign country? 
my self-love is wounded by seeing the French blockaded at 
Rhode Island, and the pain I feel induces me to wish the 
operations to commence." In reference to the proposed 
interview between General Washington and the French 
commanders, Lafayette said to them : " I will do all that 
depends upon me, gentlemen, to prevail upon the General to 
meet you half way ; but from his proximity to the enemy, 
and from the present situation of the army, which he has 
never quitted since the war, I fear it will appear to him 
vei'y difficult to absent himself." 



MFE OF LAFAYETTE. 141 

In the conclusion of this interesting correspondence, 
creditable alike to the feelings and patriotism of Lafayette 
and the veteran Count Rochambeaii, the latter gently re- 
proved his young friend for the impatient ardour he had 
exhibited ; and repeated the vindication of his own more 
cautious views, as justified by his long military experience 
and practice. He repeated his earnest desire for an imme- 
diate interview, between Gen. Washington, the French ad- 
miral and himself, to consult together upon plans of opera- 
tion ; and concluded in these words : " It is always ths 
aged father, Rochambeau, who is addressing his dear son 
Lafayette, whom he loves, and will ever love and esteem> un- 
til his latest breath." 

The interview so anxiously desired by the French gen- 
eral and admiral, was at length consented to by General 
Washington. He had been reluctant to leave the army, 
even for this object ; and upon this, as upon other points, 
his views had been truly represented by Lafayette. But, 
Admiral Guichen, who was in the West Indies with a 
French squadron, had been written to by Lafayette, Gen. 
Rochambeau, and also by Gen. Washington himself, re- 
questing him to come with his squadron to re-enforce the 
French fleet at Newport ; and Washington had received 
such information as led him to believe that the Count was 
then approaching the American coast. Deeming it, there- 
fore, important to be prepared for immediate action against 
the enemy at New York, should this re-enforcement arrive, 
he had appointed the interview at Hartford, Conn, on the 
20th of September ; and on the ITth, he left the American 
camp, accompanied by Lafayette and Gen. Knox, with an 
imposing retinue, for that purpose. This interview, mach 
to the gratification of Lafayette, had a tendency to cement 
friendly personal relations, and to produce harmonious views 
of military co-operations, between the French and Ameri- 
can commanders ; but, under existing circumstances, no 
definite plan could be agreed upon, for future action. It 
was unanimously conceded, that a naval superiority was 
essential to the projects contemplated. The frigate Alli- 
ance had arrived from France, with the welcome supply of 
two thousand stand of arms, several cannon, and a quan- 
tity of powder, for the American army; but with the in» 



142 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

telligence that the squadron and troops, forming the ex- 
pected second division of Count de Rochambeau's forces, 
were blockaded in the harbour of Brest by an English fleet 
of thirty-two sail. The French at Newport, continued to 
be blockaded by a superiour British force, and it was soon 
ascertained that Count de Guichen, instead of complying 
with the request of his American friends, had left the West 
Indies and sailed for France, while the naval superiority 
of the English on the coast was rendered still more decided 
by the arrival of Admiral Rodney at New York, with ten 
ships of the line. In the mean time, the disastrous news 
had been received, of the defeat of the American army un- 
der Gen. Gates, near Camden, S. C, in which the greater 
part of his best troops were cut off*. From this time, no 
favourable change of circumstances permitted the contem- 
plated attack upon New York, or any other efficient opera- 
tion, during the campaign. 

We have stated the reluctance of Gen. Washington, to 
consent to the conference at Hartford, as though he had 
foreseen that the genius of evil would take advantage of his 
absence. Nor were his forebodings without cause. The 
traitor Arnold, availed himself of that opportunity to consum- 
mate his treason — a deed of infamy, the essential features 
of which are known to every American, who is old enough 
to have read the outlines of his country's history. He had 
for more than twelve months meditated the act of treason ; 
and had held a correspondence with Sir Henry Clinton, 
even while, labouring under the effects of wounds honoura- 
bly received in the cause of his country, and unfit for 
active service, he commanded in the city of Philadelphia. 
For the purpose of striking a more effectual blow, and ex- 
acting a higher reward, he had lately solicited and ob- 
tained the appointment to the command of the important 
fortress of West Point. This position he had arranged to 
deliver to the enemy ; and Major Andre, adjutant-gengral 
of the British army, had been deputed by Sir Henry Clin- 
ton to negotiate with Arnold the mode and the terms, 
for accomplishing this nefarious object. Arnold had ap- 
plied to Washington and to Lafayette, for the names of 
their secret agents and correspondents in New York ; 
which were of course refused. His intention doubtless was. 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 143 

to betray those names, and cut off these sources of in for* 
mation. But Washington still reposed implicit confidence 
in Arnold ; informed him, by letter of 12th September, that 
he should be at Fishkill on the Sunday evening following, 
on his way to Hartford, to meet the French admiral and, 
general, and enjoined him, in conclusion, " you will keep 
this to yourself, as I wish to make my journey a secret." 
Arnold met Washington at Fishkill on the 18th, and show- 
ed him a letter from Col. Robinson, on board the Vulture, 
(British vessel) requesting an interview v^^ith Arnold, to con- 
sult upon some private affairs. Washington told him to 
refuse the interview. 

The Vulture had been sent up the river by Sir Henry 
Clinton, with Andre on board, at Arnold's request ; and on 
the departure of General Washington, he immediately set 
about the completion of his plan, with a precipitancy and 
confusion of intellect which probably defeated his purpose. 
The hand of a righteous Providence was again stretched 
forth to confound the traitor and to uphold the cause of lib- 
erty. Andre came on shore, under the fictitious name of 
John Anderson, and met Arnold near Long Cove, on the 
night of the 21st ; and after a long interview, they repair* 
ed to the house of Smith, within the lines of the American 
pickets, to complete their conference. After laying con- 
cealed the next day, contrary to his own wish, but by the 
arrangement of Arnold, he pursued the route by land for 
New York, instead of returning on board the Vulture. In 
this attempt, as is well known, he was captured near Tarry 
Town, by Paulding, Williams, and Van Wart, and papers 
in Arnold's hand-writing, found in his boots, which proved 
his character, and the treason of Arnold. 

Gen. Washington, accompanied by Lafayette, reached 
West Point, on their return from Hartford, on the morning 
of the 25th. Instead of going directly to Robinson's house, 
in which Arnold resided, and which was on the side of the 
river opposite to West Point, and some distance below, he 
crossed over, for the purpose of showing to Lafayette the 
fortifications which had been constructed during his late 
visit to France ; otherwise they would have been present 
when Arnold received information of Andre's arrest. The 
following letter from Lafayette to the Chevalier de la Lu- 
zerne, expresses his feelings on the occasion, and all the 



144 LIFE OF lAPAYETT^:. 

facts of the case which may be appropriately inserted in 
this work : 

" Robinson House, opposite W. Point, Sept. 26, 1780. 
" When I parted from you yesterday, sir, to come and breakfast here 
with General Arnold, we were far from foreseeing the event v/hich I 
am now going to relate to you. You will shudder at the danger to 
which we were exposed ; you will admire the miraculous chain of un- 
expected events and singular chances that have saved us ; but you 
will be still more astonished when you learn by what instrument this 
conspiracy has been formed. West Point was sold — and sold by Ar- 
nold ; the same man who formerly acquired glory by rendering such 
immense services to his country. He had lately entered into a horri- 
ble compact with the enemy, and but for the accident that brought us 
here at a certain hour, but for the combination of chances that threw 
the adjutant-general of the English army in the hands of some peas- 
ants, beyond the limits of our stations, West Point and the North 
River, we should both at present, in all probability, be in possession of 
the enemy. 

" When we set out yesterday for Fishkill, we were preceded by one 
of my aides-de-camp, and one of General Washington's [Cols. Hamil- 
ton and McHenry] who found General Arnold and his wife at break- 
fast, and sat down at table with them. Whilst they were together, 
two letters were given to Arnold, which apprised him of the arrestra- 
tion of the spy. He ordered a horse to be saddled, went into his wife's 
room to tell her he was ruined, and desired his aid-de-camp to inform 
General Washington that he was going to West Point and would re- 
turn in the course of an hour, 

*♦ On our arrival here, we crossed the river and went to examine the 
works. You may conceive our astonishment when we learnt, on our 
return, that the arrested spy was Major Andre, adjutant-general of the 
English army ; and when amongst his papers were discovered the 
copy of an important council of war, the state of the garrison and works 
and observations upon various means of attack and defence, the whole 
in Arnold's own hand writing. 

" The adjutant-general wrote also to the general, avowing his name 
and situation. Orders were sent to arrest Arnold ; but he escaped in 
a boat, got on board the English frigate the Vulture, and as no person 
suspected his flight, he was not stopped at any post. Colonel Hamil. 
ton, who had gone in pursuit of him, received soon after, by a flag of 
truce, a letter from Arnold to the General, in which he entered into 
no details to justify his treachery, and a letter from the English com- 
mander, Robertson, who, in a very insolent manner, demanded that 
the adjutant-general should be delivered up to tliem, as he had only 
acted with the permission of General Arnold. -^ 

" The first care of the General has been to assemble, at West Point, 
the troops that, under various pretences, Arnold had dispersed. We 
remain here to watch over the safety of a fort, that the English may 
respect less as they become better acquainted with it. Continental 
troops have been summoned here, and as Arnold's advice may deter- 
mine Clinton to make a sudden movement, the army has received or. 
ders to be prepared to march at a moment's warning." 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 145 

The treason of Arnold, and the fortunate escape from its 
threatened calamity, caused emotions of surprise, indigna- 
tion, joy, and gratitude, throughout the American continent. 
The good Count de Rochambeau wrote to Lafayette on the 
occasion : " Providence has declared itself for us, my dear 
Marquis, and that important interview, which I have so 
long wished for, and which has given me so much pleasure, 
has been crowned by a peculiar mark of the favour of Heav- 
en. The Chevalier de la Luzerne has not yet arrived ; I 
took the liberty of opening your letter to him, in which I 
found all the details of that horrible conspiracy, and I am 
penetrated with mingled feelings, of grief at the event, and 
of joy at its discovery.*' 

The fate of Andre, inveigled, contrary to his original in- 
tention, by a cold-blooded traitor, within the American 
lines ; tried, condemned, and ignominiously executed as a 
spy, must be regretted by all who peruse the evidences of his 
personal worth and amiable character. But it was justified 
by the usages of war and the stern law of necessity. La- 
fayette was one of the Board of Officers by whom Andre 
was tried and condemned ; and while, in common with Gen. 
Washington and all the officers of the American army, he 
regretted the ignominious fate of the young Englishman, 
he concurred fully in the justice and expediency of his sen- 
tence and execution. 



CHAPTER XVL 

Lafayette*s continued anxiety, and projects, for active employment — 
The Chevalier de Chasteilux — His visit to the American camp — To 
Lafayette's encampment — Opinion of Washington and Lafayette — 
Attack on York Island abandoned^-Lafayette's favourite corps 
disbanded — He repairs to Philadelphia — Proposes to join the south- 
ern army — Change in the French ministry— New hopes inspired — 
Mutiny of the Pennsylvania and New Jersey soldiers — Lafayette's 
return to Head.quarters— Its object — Mission of Col. Laurens to 
France — Letters of Lafayette — To Count de Vergennes — To Ma- 
dame Lafayette. 

Re -ESTABLISHED at Hcad-quarters, and in command of his 
favourite Light Infantry corps, the inactivity of the army 
soon became irksome to Lafayette. His mind was constant. 

13 



146 MFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

]y occupied with plans to harass the enemy, as well as 
upon projects for more extended action. This gallant spirit 
was appreciated by Gen. Washington, and he was ready 
to gratify it upon every proper occasion. In a letter to 
Doct. Franklin, dated October 11th, he remarked : " I was 
very much obliged by the letter, which you did me the hon- 
our to write by our amiable friend, the Marquis de Lafayette, 
whose exertions to serve this country in his own, are addi- 
tional proofs of his zealous attachment to our cause, and 
have endeared him to us still more. He came out flushed 
with expectations of a decisive campaign, and fired with 
hopes of acquiring fresh laurels ; but in both he has been 
disappointed ; for we have been condemned to an inactivi- 
ty as inconsistent with the situation of our affairs, as with 
the ardour of his temper." 

An expedition was projected by Lafayette to surprise the 
enemy's post upon Staten Island. On the night of the 26th 
October, he repaired with his light corps to Elizabethtown 
Point, accompanied by Gen. Lee with his cavalry, for the 
purpose of making the descent : but there being a failure 
on the part of those who were to supply boats, and make 
other necessary preparations, the expedition, much to the 
mortification and regret of Lafayette, had to be abandoned. 
"The only advantage (he wrote to Gen. Washington) I 
have got from it, has been to convince myself that our troops 
are particularly fit for such an expedition, on account of their 
patience and silence ; and that if the other business [against 
N. York] could be supported upon a large scale, I would en- 
gage to carry it." " Had I any thing to reproach myself with 
on the occasion, I should be inconsolable. I undertook the bu- 
siness because I thought myself equal to it; I wish the people 
in the quartermaster's department had done the same thing." 

Still anxious to close the campaign by some brilliant ef- 
fort or exploit, on the 30th of October, Lafayette submitted to 
Gen. Washington, a plan for an attack upon the upper posts 
of the enemy at New York, and urged its adoption with much 
earnestness. In reply. Gen. Washington said : " It is im* 
possible, my dear marquis, to desire more ardently than I do 
to terminate the campaign by sojdc happy stroke ; but we 
must consult our means rather than our wishes, and not en- 
deavour to better our affairs by attempting things which, 
for want of success, may make them worse." He had had 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 147 

an eye, he said, to the point mentioned, but deemed his pres- 
ent force inadequate to the attempt. 

But the plan was not entirely abandoned. In the month 
of November, extensive preparations and reconnoitrings 
were made, with an ultimate view to this expedition. In 
the midst of these preparations, the Chevalier de Chastellux, 
and several of the most distinguished officers of the French 
army at Newport, paid a visit to the American encampments. 
The Chevalier de Chastellux, taking advantage of the inac- 
tivity of the army, was then on his travels through the mid- 
dle states, and has given in his valuable work, which is now 
in few hands, an interesting account of this visit. We 
have only room for that portion of it which relates to his 
distinguished countryman. The Chevalier had lodged, on 
the night of the 22d November, at Haverstraw. 

" The 23d (he says) I set out at eight o'clock, with the intention of 
arriving in good time at the Marquis de Lafayette's camp ; for I had 
learnt that the army was not to move that day, and I was 
desirous of being presented by him to General Washington. The 
shortest road was by Paramus ; but my guide insisted on my turning 
to the northward, assuring me that the other road was not safe, that 
it was infested by tories, and that he always avoided it, when he had 
letters to carry. I took the road to the right therefore, and followed 
for some time the rivulet of Romopog ; I then turned to the left, and 
soon got into the township of Pompton, and into the Tot ihaw road : 
but being informed that it led me straight to the main body of the army, 
without passing by the van commanded by M. de Lafayette, I inquired 
for some cross road to his quarters, and one was pointed out to me, by 
which, passing near a sort of lake which forms a very agreeable point 
of view, and then crossing some very beautiful woods, I arrived at a 
stream which falls into Second river, exactly at the spot where M. de 
Lafayette was encamped. His posts lined the rivulet ; they were well 
disposed, and in good order. At length I arrived at the camp ; but 
the Marquis was not there ; apprised of my coming by the Vicomte de 
Noailies, he had gone to wait forme at seven miles distance, at Head- 
quarters, where he thought I should direct my course. He had sent, 
however, Major Gimat, and one of his aids-de-camp to meet me, but 
they had taken the two roads to Paramus ; so that by his precautions, 
and those of my guide, I was, as they say in English, completely dis- 
appointed, for it was two o'clock, and I had already travelled thirty 
miles without stopping. I was in the utmost impatience to embrace 
M. de Lafayette, and to see General Washington, but I could not 
make my horses partake of it. It was proposed to me to proceed 
directly to Head-quarters, because, said they, I might perhaps arrive 
in time for dinner. But seeing the impossibility of that, and being in 
a';country where I was known, I desired some oats for my horses. 
Whilst they were making this slight repast, I went to see the camp of 
the Marquis, it is thus they call M. de Lafayette ; the English language 



148 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

being fond of abridgments, and titles uncommon in America. I 
found this camp placed in an excellent position ; it occupied two 
heights separated by a small bottom, but with an easy communication 
between them. The river Totohaw or Second river, protects its right, 
and it is here that it makes a considerable elbow, and turning towards 
the south, falls at length into the bay of Newark. The principal 
part of the front, and all the left flank, to a great distance, are cov- 
ered by the rivulet which comes from Paramus, and falls into the same 
river. This position is only twenty miles from New York island ; 
and was accordingly occupied by the vanguard, consisting of light 
infantry, that is to say, by the picked corps of the American army ; the 
regiments in fact, which compose it, have no grenadiers, but only a 
company of light infantry, answering to our Chasseurs, and of whom 
battalions are formed at the beginning of the campaign. This troop 
made' a good appearance, were better clothed than the rest of the army, 
the uniforms both of the officers and soldiers were smart and military, 
and each soldier wore a helmet made of hard leather, with a crest of 
horse hair. The officers are armed with espontoons, or rather with 
half pikes, and the subalterns with fusils : but both were provided 
with short and light sabres brought from France, and made a present 
of to them by M. de Lafayette." 

His approach to Head-quarters, and introduction to Gen. 
Washington, are thus descrihed : — 

"At length, after riding two miles along the right flank of the army, 
and after passing thick woods on the right, I found myself in a small 
plain, where I saw a handsome farm ; a small camp which seemed to 
cover it, a large tent extended in the court, and several wagons round 
it, convinced me that this was his excellency's quarter ; for it is thus 
Mr. Washington is called in the army, and throughout America. 
M. de Lafayette was in conversation with a tall man, five foot nine 
inches high, (about five foot ten inches and a half English,) of a noble 
and mild countenance. It was the general himself. I was soon off 
horseback and near him. The compliments were short ; the senti- 
ments with which I was animated, and the good wishes he testified 
for me were not equivocal. He conducted me to his house, where I 
found the company still at table, although the dinner had been long 
over. He presented me to the Generals Knox, Wayne, Howe, &c. 
and to his family, then composed of Colonels Hamilton and Tilgman, 
his secretaries and his aids.de.camp, and of Major Gibbs, commander 
of his guards ; for in England and America, the aids-de-camp, adju- 
tants and other officers attached to the general, form what is called 
his family. A fresh dinner was prepared for me and mine ; and the 
present was prolonged to keep me company. A few glasses of claret 
and madeira accelerated the acquaintances I had to make, and I soon 
felt myself at my ease near the greatest and best of men» The good- 
ness and benevolence which characterise him, are evident from every 
thing about him ; but the confidence he gives birth to, never occasions 
improper familiarity ; for the sentiment he inspires has the same origin 
in every individual, a profound esteem for his virtues^ and a high 
opinion of his talents." 



lilFE OF LAFAYETTE, 149 

CliastelTtix became the guest of Gen. "Washington. The 
next day, amidst a rain storm, he reviewed a portion of the 
trooj3s, and visited, with Gen. Washington, the camp of La- 
fayette. 

" The rain (he says) appearing to cease, or inchned to cease for a 
moment, we availed om*selves of the opportunity to follow his excel- 
lency to the camp of the Marquis ; we found all his troops in order of 
battle on the heights to the left, and himself at their head ; expressing 
by his air and countenance, that he was happier in receiving me there, 
than at his estate in Auvergne. The confidence and attachment of 
the troops, are for him invaluable possessions, well acquired riches, of 
which no body can deprive him ; but what, in my opinion, is still 
more flattering for a young man of his age, is the influence and con- 
sideration he has acquired among the political, as well as the milita. 
ry order : I do not fear contradiction when I say, that private letters 
from him have frequently produced more effect on some states than 
the strongest exhortations of the Congress. On seeing him, one is at 
a loss which most to admire, that so young a man as he should have 
given such eminent proofs of talents, or that a man so tried, should 
give hopes of so long a career of glory. Fortunate his country, if she 
knows how to avail herself of them ; more fortunate still should she 
stand in no need of calling them into exertion !" 

To this testimonial, the translator of Chastellux adds, by 
way of note : — 

" It is impossible to paint the esteem and affection with which this 
French nobleman is regarded in America. It is to be surpassed only 
by the love of their illustrious chief. He has found the secret of win- 
ning all their hearts : nor to those who know him is it matter of 
any wonder. In the gentlest, and most courteous manner, he unites 
a frankness, which is supposed to be not the general characteristick of 
his countrymen ; his deportment is dignified without pride ; and his 
zeal, activity, and enthusiasm in the cause of America, distinct from 
all the political views of co-operation with the wishes of his courts- 
added to a sincere and uniform admiration of the greatest and best 
character of the age, completely endeared this excellent young man 
to grateful America. The Marquis was never spoken of in the hear- 
ing of the Translator, without manifest tokens of attachment and 
affection." 

On the 27th November, the advance parties were recalled, 
and the attack on the enemy's posts on York Island was 
finally abandoned. Lafayette, (according to Thatcher,) at 
the head of his beautiful corps of Light Infantry, constantly 
advancing in front, was to have commenced the attack in 
the night, and the whole army was prepared to make a 
general attack on the enemy's works. But some move- 
ments of Ihe British vessels, and other causes which have 

13* 



150 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

not been publickly stated, induced the relinquishment of this 
last effort of the campaign, to the renewed disappointment of 
Lafayette. That Lafayette concurred in the propriety of 
relinquishing this favourite project, however, may be infer- 
red from a letter to Gen» Washington, dated Nov. 28, at 
Paramus, where, it would appear, he had gone for the pur^ 
pose of reconnoitring the upper posts of the British. " We 
arrived (he said) last night at this place, and were much 
favoured by the weather in our recognising of the island, 
where, I confess, my feelings were different from what I 
had experienced when looking at these forts with a hopeful 
eye." 

Lafayette's brilliant corps of Light Infantry, was dis- 
banded, and the chosen men who composed it were returned 
to their respective regiments. The whole army (the last 
of November,) went into winter quarters ; the Pennsylva- 
nia line at Morristown, the New Jersey regiments at Pomp- 
ton, and the eastern troops in the Highlands. Gen. Wash- 
ington's head-quarters were at New Windsor. 

The campaign being thus ended, Lafayette repaired, the 
fore part of December, to Philadelphia, to be at the focus 
of intelligence, and the more conveniently to conduct his 
extensive correspondence, which was entirely devoted ta 
the interests of America. In the gay circles of that city^ 
he might have passed the season in peaceful pursuits, and 
social enjoyments. But his whole soul was in. the cause 
he had espoused ; he was anxious as ever to be actively 
employed in that cause, and his mind was continually occu- 
pied with plans for its advancement. Even before he left 
Head-quarters, he had suggested to Gen. Washington, the 
idea of joining Gen. Greene, who then commanded the army 
in the southern states, where the campaign was likely to be 
active and arduous. " I hate (he said,) the idea of being from 
you for so long a time, but I think I ought not to be idle.'^ 
From Philadelphia, he corresponded almost daily, with Gen. 
Washington, communicating to him all that passed, and 
all that he heard of interest ; and consulting and advising 
with him upon plans of operation. On the 4th and 5th of 
December, he again suggests going to the south, provided 
there should be no prospects of active service at the north ;: 
on which contingency he received Washington's consent^ 
to his joining Gen. Grcene. He also informed Gen. Wash- 



LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. 151 

ington of advices, that the Spaniards were about sending 
expeditions against the British settlements in the Floridas, 
and suggested a plan of formidable co-operation with them, 
against the enemy in South Carolina. " Nothing against 
New York (he said,) can be undertaken before the end of 
May. Any thing, therefore, that could employ us during 
February, March, and April, is worthy of our attention." 
Washington concurred also with Lafayette in these views, 
but as no event of importance grew out of the negotia- 
tions, a further notice of the correspondence on the sub- 
ject is unnecessary to our purpose. From one of Gen. 
Washington's letters, however, we quote the following illus- 
tration of the low state of American finances at that period : 
" The Chevalier de la Luzerne's despatches came in time 
for the post, which is the only means left me for the con- 
veyance of letters, there not being so much money in the 
hands of the quartermaster.general, (I believe I might go 
further and say, in those of the whole army,) as would bear 
the ^expense of an express to Rhode Island. I could not 
get one the other day to ride as far as Pompton ! " 

About the middle of December, intelligence was received 
of a change in the French Cabinet, the appointment of the 
Marquis de Castries, as minister of the marine department, 
in the room of M. de Sartine, which the friends of America 
deemed favourable to their cause. The hope from this 
change, and other circumstances, of additional and speedy 
aid from France, and hence more early and efficient action 
at the north, induced Lafayette to abandon his contempla- 
ted southern journey. 

Lafayette was preparing to leave Philadelphia for Gen. 
Washington's Head-quarters, when the dangerous mutiny 
of the soldiers of the Pennsylvania line at Morristown took 
place. It occurred on the night of January 1st, 1781. 
About thirteen hundred men paraded in arms, and refused 
obedience to their officers ; killed one officer and wounded 
several, in the attempt to restore obedience ; and marched 
in a body, with six pieces of cannon, to Princeton, on their 
way to Philadelphia, with the avowed intention of demand- 
ing from Congress a redress of their grievances. General 
Wayne, who commanded at Morristown, followed the mu- 
tineers to Princeton, and obtained from them a declara- 
tion of their grievances, which were, that many soldiers 



152 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

had been detained beyond the term of their enlistment; 
that the arrearages of pay and depreciation of money had 
not been made up ; and that they were suffering every pri- 
vation for want of money and clothes. Commissioners 
from the state of Pennsylvania and from Congress, imme- 
diately repaired to them at Princeton. Lafayette, leaving 
Philadelphia for Head-quarters, with Gen. St. Clair and 
Col. Laurens, and being a great favourite with the soldiers, 
was requested by Congress to call at Princeton, and aid in 
the measures of pacification. But so judicious and success- 
ful had been the efforts of Gen. Wayne and his associates, i 
towards effecting the compromise, that Lafayette made but 
a brief stay, and arrived at the Head-quarters of General 
Washington on the 11th of January. A portion of the 
troops of the New Jersey line, soon followed the example of 
those of Pennsylvania ; but Washington having promptly 
despatched Gen. Howe with a detachment consistinor of 
troops which had belonged to Lafayette's corps of Light 
Infantry, the mutineers were surrounded and subdued, and 
two of the ringleaders executed. 

These circumstances were not the result of actual defec- 
tions to the cause. They sprang from a state of suffering 
almost too great for human nature to endure. And it is to 
the eternal honour of the brave soldiers of that trying cri- 
sis, that the fidelity and fortitude of so few of them gave 
way. While the Pennsylvania troops were yet in a state 
of mutiny. Sir Henry Clinton transmitted to them a letter, 
offering them large rewards to join the British standard ;> 
but they spurned the base offer, and delivered up the com- 
munication, with the two emissaries who brought it, to Gen. 
Wayne ; and these emissaries were tried and executed in 
the presence of the revolted troops, on the 11th of January. 
Writing to the Governour of New Hampshire, Gen. Wash- 
ington said : " The aggravated calamities and distresses 
that have resulted from the total want of pay for twelve 
months, the want of clothing at a severe season, and not 
unfrequently the want of provisions, are beyond descrip- 
tion." Such was the state of affairs, the exhausted resour- 
ces of the country and the want of organized plans and effi- 
cient powers for drawing forth those which remained, that 
a general opinion was prevalent, that without essential aid 
from France, for the coming campaign, opposition to Brit-- 



LIFE OF LAFAlTETTE. 153 

ish dominion must soon be abandoned. Under these cir- 
cumstances, Col. Laurens, one of the aids of Gen. Wash- 
ington, was commissioned by Congress to visit France, and 
impress upon the French government from his personal 
knowledge, the true state of the country, civil and mili- 
tary ; and to solicit those succours, in men, money, supplies 
for the army, and particularly a naval superiority, which 
were essential in the then critical posture of affairs. The 
visit of Col. Laurens, with Lafayette, to Head-quarters, 
was for the purpose of consulting with Gen. Washington 
upon the subject of his mission. The views of Washing- 
ton were expressed to him in writing, full, explicit, and 
with great clearness and power of language, for the pur- 
pose of being submitted to Dr. Franklin, and if expedient, 
to the French ministers. 

Lafayette, also, wrote by Col. Laurens a long letter to 
the Count de Vergennes, dated January 30th, 1781. He 
recommended Col. Laurens " as a man who, by his integrity, 
frankness, and patriotism, must be extremely acceptable to 
[the French] government. According to the instructions 
of Congress (he adds,) he will place before you the actual 
state of our affairs, which demand, I think, more than ever, 
the most serious attention." He gave to the Count a de- 
tailed statement of these affairs, and plead earnestly and 
ably the cause of the country. He urged it upon the 
French government, to send promptly, a force of fifteen 
thousand men ; and particularly supplies of money, muni- 
tions of war and clothing, to call out and sustain the moral 
and physical resources of America, which thus sustained, 
and aided by a naval superiority, he deemed adequate to 
the crisis. This long and interesting document, we cannot 
copy entire, consistently with the limits of this volume, but 
give the following extract, as a specimen of its spirit and 
design ; — 

*' The last campaign took place without a shilling having been spent ; 
all that credit, persuasion, and force could achieve, has been done, — 
but that can hold out no longer ; that miracle, of which I believe no 
similar example can be found, cannot be renewed, and our exertions 
having been made to obtain an army for the war, we must depend on 
you^to enable us to make use of it. 

*' From my peculiar situation, sir, and from what it has enabled me 
to know and see, I think it is my duty to call your attention to the 
American soldiers, and on the part they must take in the operations of 



154 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

the next campaign. The continental troops have as much courage 
and real discipline as those that are opposed to them. They are more 
inured to privation, more patient than Europeans, who, on these two. 
points, cannot he compared to them. They have several officers of 
great merit, without mentioning those who have served dm-ing the 
last wars, and from their own talents have acquired knowledge intui- 
tively ; they have been formed by the daily experience of several cam- 
paigns, in which, the armies being small, and the country a rugged 
one, all the battalions of the line were obliged to serve as advance- 
guards and light troops. The recruits whom we are expecting, 
and who only bear, in truth, the name of recruits, have frequently 
fought battles in the same regiments which they are now re-entering^ 
and have seen more gun-shots than three.fourths of the European sol- 
diers. As to the militia, they are only armed peasants, who have oc- 
casionly fought, and who are not deficient in ardour and discipline, 
but whose services would be most useful in the labours of a siege. 
This, sir, is the faithful picture that I think myself obliged to send you, 
and which it is not my interest to paint in glowing colours, because it 
would be more glorious to succeed with slighter means. The Cheva. 
lier de la Luzerne, who, having himself seen our soldiers, will give 
you a detailed and disinterested account of them, will doubtless tell 
you, as I do, that you may depend upon our regular troops. The re- 
sult of this digression, sir, is, to insist still more earnestly on the ne. 
cessity of sending money to put the American troops in movement, 
and to repeat that well known truth, that a pecuniary succour and a 
naval superiority must be the two principal objects of the next 
campaign." 

This communication, and others from Lafayette to influ- 
ential persons in France, contributed greatly to the success 
of Col. Laurens' mission. He wrote also to Madame La- 
fayette, recommending Col. Laurens particularly to her kind- 
ness and attention. " If I were in France, (he wrote,) he 
should live entirely at my house, and I would introduce him 
to all my friends, (I have even introduced him to some by 
letter,) and give him every opportunity in my pov/er of ma- 
king acquaintance, and of passing his time agreeably at 
Versailles ; and in my absence I entreat you to replace 
me." In the same letter he said : " The Americans con- 
tinue to testify for me the greatest kindness ; Jhere is no 
proof of affection and confidence which I do not receive 
each day from the army and nation. I experience for the 
American officers and soldiers that friendship which arises 
from having shared with them for a length of time, dangers^ 
sufferings, and both good and evil fortune. We began by 
struggling together ; our affairs have often been at the low- 
est possible ebb. It is gratifying to me to crown this work 



LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. 155 

with them, by giving the European troops a high idea of 
the soldiers who have been formed with us. To all these 
motives of interest for the cause and the army, are joined 
my sentiments of regard for Gen. Washington." * * * 
* * * " Embrace our children a thousand and a thou- 
sand times for me ; their father, although a wanderer, is not 
less tender, not less constant!)^ occupied with them, and not 
less happy at receiving news from them. My heart dwells 
with pe uliar delight on the moment when those dear chil- 
dren will be presented to me by you, and when we may em- 
brace and caress them together." 

These proofs of Lafayette's affection for his family, are 
as honourable as a laurel crown. Their only son, of recent 
birth, had been named by Madame Lafayette, George 
Washington ; with which compliment Gen. Washington 
had expressed himself highly pleased. 



CHAPTER XVL 

Arnold in Virginia— Contemplated expedition for his capture— Lafay 
ette assigned to the command of a southern detachment — His pre- 
parations and rapid progress — Intended co-operation of the French 
fleet — Action between the French and English fleets — The enemy's 
fleet gains possession of the Chesapeake Bay— Lafayette retires- 
Visit to the mother of Washington— Arrives with his forces at the 
Head of Elk — Meets the orders of Gen. Washington to repair with 
his detachment to Virginia — Sufferings, discontent and mutiny of 
the soldiers — Lafayette suppresses the mutiny, and borrows money 
to relieve the wants of the soldiers — Their devotion to him — Leave 
to return — Declined by Lafayette — >His rapid march — Reaches Rich- 
mond in advance, and to the astonishment, of Phillips and Arnold — ■ 
Commencement of the Virginia campaign — Lafayette's vigilance 
and prudence — His account of events — Death of Gen. Phillips- 
Command devolves on Arnold — Lafayette refuses to correspond 
with him — Approval of Gen. Washington. 

The ardent desire of Lafayette for active service, was 
soon gratified. To him was assigned the first movement, 
the turning pivot of the plan of operations, in the decisive 
campaign of 1781— a campaign in which he was destined 
to act so distinguished a part, and which was to crown with 
glorious success the long and arduous struggle for the inde- 
pendence of America, 



156 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

The traitor Arnold was sent by Sir Henry Clinton, with 
about sixteen hundred men and several vessels suitable for 
the service, to the Chesapeake, where he arrived about the 
first of January. He succeeded in Virginia, Gen. Leslie, 
who had gone to re-enforce the British army in the Caroli- 
nas. During the month of January, Arnold exhibited a 
savage zeal for the new cause he had espoused, by burning 
Richmond, plundering private property, and committing ex- 
tensive depredations in the lower part of the state ; and was 
intrenching himself at Portsmouth, on the Elizabeth River, 
conformably to the design of Sir Henry Clinton. On the 
22d of the month, the British squadron in Gardner's Bay, 
by which the French fleet at Newport was held in blockade, 
was severely crippled by a violent gale. The naval ascend- 
ency thus being restored to the French, M. Destouches, 
successor to Admiral Ternay, who had died on the 15th of 
December, after reconnoitring the enemy's fleet, and finding 
it still too formidable to justify an attack, conceived the plan 
of sending a detachment of vessels, or sailing with his whole 
squadron, to the Chesapeake, to operate against Arnold. 
Gen. Washington, being informed by Count de Rochambeau 
of this design of the French admiral, deemed it important 
to the success of the enterprise, and to ensure the capture 
of Arnold, that there should be a co-operation of land and 
naval forces, and that M. Destouches should protect the 
expedition with his whole fleet. He therefore informed Gen. 
Rochambeau that he should send a detachment of twelve 
hundred men, all that he could spare, from his army, to the 
Chesapeake, and requested the co-operation of the French 
fleet, and as many French troops as Count Rochambeau 
thought prudent to send for the purpose. 

The American detachment was immediately selected, of 
the choicest men, most of whom were from those who had 
composed the Light Infantry corps, and the command given 
to Lafayette. The instructions from Gen. Washington to 
Lafayette were dated February 20th, and directed him, after 
the necessary arrangements, with which he was also en. 
trusted, to proceed with his detachment with all possible 
despatch to the Head of Elk, where, by concert with the 
quartermaster-general, vessels were to be ready on his arri- 
val to convey him down the bay to Hampton Roads, or to 
tlie point of operation. When arrived at his destinations^ 



LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. 157 

he was to act as his own judgement and circumstances 
should direct. He was to inform Baron Steuben, who com- 
manded in Virginia, of his approach, requesting him to 
have a sufficient body of militia ready, to act in conjunc- 
tion witli Lafayette's detachment. Should there be a fail- 
ure of the expected co-operation by the French fleet and 
troops, or the object of the expedition be fulfilled or unfortu- 
nately disappointed, he was to return to Head-quarters 
with as much expedition as possible. 

Lafayette made his preparations and progress with such 
celerity, that he arrived at the Head of Elk, on the 3d of 
March, several days sooner than had been anticipated. 
Previous to receiving Gen. Washington's request for the co- 
operation of the entire French fleet, Admiral Destouches 
had detached a sixty. four gun ship and two frigates, under 
the command of M. de Tilly, to the Chesapeake, which so 
weakened his force, that he was unwilling to venture out 
with his whole squadron. M. de Tilly returned to Newport 
on the 24th of Feb'y, having been absent only fifteen days, 
captured the British frigate Romulus, of forty-four guns, 
taken two privateers of fourteen and eighteen guns, burnt 
four others and made about five hundred prisoners. Thus re- 
stored to his naval superiority, the French admiral informed 
Gen. Washington, that he would co-operale with Lafayette's 
detachment, with his whole fleet ; and Count Rochambeaii 
promised to add 1100 men from his land forces, willing, as 
he said, to risk every thing to prevent Arnold establishing him- 
self at Portsmouth, in Virginia. Of this intended movement 
Lafayette was advised by Gen. Washington, under date of 
March 1, who added, " It is of the greatest importance to the 
expedition, as well as for the honour of our arms, that you 
should be on the spot to co-operate." Lafayette immediately 
embarked his troops on board transports, protected by small 
armed vessels, and directed the whole, under the command 
of Commodore Nicholson, to proceed to Annapolis. He 
himself, with a small boat, armed with swivels, and with 
thirty soldiers, proceeded down the bay, to the Head-quar- 
ters of Baron Steuben, at Williamsburg ,; where he could 
sooner ascertain the arrival of the French squadron, and 
concert a plan of operations. In a letter to Gen. Wash- 
ington, dated Williamsburgh, March 23d, he stated ; — 

"On ray arrival at this place, I was surprised to hear that no 

14 



158 LIFE OF liAFA^ETTEa 

French fleet had appeared, but attributed it to delays and chances s<? 
frequent in naval matters. My first object was to request that noth<^ 
ing be taken for this expedition which could have been intended for, 
or useful to, the southern army, whose welfare appeared to me more 
interesting than our success. My second object has been to examine 
what had been prepared, to gather and forward every requisite for a 
vigorous co-operation, besides a number of militia, amounting to five 
tliousand ; I can assure your excellency that nothing bas been want- 
ing to ensure a complete success. 

" As the positi&n of the enemy had not yet been reconnoitred, 1 
went to General Muhlenberg's camp, near Suffolk, and after he had 
taken a position nearer to Portsmouth, we marched down with some 
troops to view the enemy's works. This brought on a trifling skir- 
mish, during which we were able to see something ; but the insuffi- 
ciency of ammunition, which had been for many days expected, pre* 
vented my engaging far enough to push the enemy's outposts, and 
our reconnoitring Avas postponed to the 21st, — when, on the 20th, 
Major Mac Pherson, an officer for whom I have the highest confi* 
dence and esteem, sent me word from Hampton, where he was station- 
ed, that a fleet had come to anchor within the Capes. So far it was 
probable that this fleet was that of M. Destouches, that Arnold him- 
self appeared to be in great confusion, and his vessels, notwithstand- 
ing many signals, durst not for a long time, venture down." 

It was soofi ascertained, however, that the fleet, instead 
of being that of M. Destouches, belonged to the enemy. 
The French squadron, which left Newport on the 8th, had 
been followed on the lOth by the whole British fleet from 
Gardner's Bay. Gen. Washington, being then at Newport, 
wrote to Lafayette on the 11th, advising him of these 
movements, but the letter did not reach him in season to 
place him on his guard. The two fleets arrived off" the 
Capes of Virginia about the same time, and an action took 
place on the 16th. They were nearly equal, each having 
eight ships of the line, but the English had the advantage 
of one three-decker. The damage sustained by each was 
about the same, and neither seemed in a condition next 
day to renew the battle. Thus the object of the expedition 
against Arnold being defeated, the French squadron return- 
ed to Newport, and the British entered and took possession 
of the Chesapeake Bay. 

The position of Lafayette's detachment at Annapolis was 
rendered critical. On ascertaining the arrival of the Brit- 
ish fleet in the bay, he immediately sent orders to Anna- 
polis, to have every thing in readiness to return, and even 
io move the troops by land t© the Head of Elko He set out 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 159 

himself for Annapolis; but deeply interested in all that was 
connected with Gen. Washington, he permitted that feeUng 
to divert him from a direct progress. •' I could not resist 
(he says to Gen. Washington,) the ardent desire I had of 
seeing your relations, and above all, your mother, at Frede- 
rickburgh. For that purpose I went some miles out of my 
way; and, in order to conciliate my private happiness to 
duties of a publick nature, i recovered by riding in the 
night those few hours which I had consecrated to my satis- 
faction. I had also the pleasure of seeing Mount Vernon, 
and was very unhappy that my duty and my anxiety for 
the execution of your orders prevented my paying a visit 
to Mr. Custis." 

On arriving at Annapolis, Lafayette found that little 
progress had been made in preparations for departure. 
There were great difficulties in procuring hoi'ses and wag- 
ons, and boats to cross the ferries. The harbour, in the 
mean time, was blockaded by two of the enemy^s vessels, 
one of twenty and the other of eighteen guns, with the ob- 
ject of opposing tl^ movements of Lafayette's detachment. 
He, therefore, continued his preparations for the journey by 
land, which he was assured would take ten days. In the 
mean time, he adopted an ingenious device to deceive the 
enemy, and clear the way for a safe passage by water, lie 
caused two eighteen pounders to be mounted on board of a 
small sloop ; and, on the morning of the 6th, Commodore 
Nicholson went out with the sloop and another vessel, full 
of men, firing the guns, and making a parade as though 
they were about to board the British vessels. Deceived by 
this manoeuvre, as to the force of their opponents, the Brit- 
ish vessels immediately retreated to a desired distance. 
Taking advantage of this absence, every vessel with troops 
and stores, was despatched in the night, under the escort of 
the commodore, and Lafayette bringing up the rear with a 
sloop and other vessels, all arrived safe at the Head of Elk, 
on the morning of the 8th of April. 

Although the expedition had failed of its original object, 
yet that part of it which had been entrusted to Lafayette, 
had been executed, so far as depended upon him, with great 
skill and fidelity. He had met with no disaster, except the 
ioss of a part of his own baggage ; and this loss occurred 
ia consequence of consigning it, when leaving Virginia for 



160 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE o 

Annapolis, to a rickety boat, that a safer barge might be 
exclusively occupied by a party of soldiers. The soldiers 
arrived safe, but the baggage was never heard of. But, 
aware of the danger, Lafayette had taken the precaution to 
carry with him by land, his papers and whatever might be , 
valuable on the publick account. With his chosen detach- 
ment, and all that had been entrusted to him, he had arrived 
in a safe position ; from whence, as by a Providential course 
of circumstances, he was soon to be detached for more im- 
portant and decisive operations. 

The same day of his arrival at Elk, and while preparing 
to move forward for Head-quarters, Lafayette received a 
letter from Gen. Washington, dated the 6th, instructing him 
to repair to the south with his detachment, to re-enforce 
Gen. Greene as speedily as possible. About the time the 
French and English fleets sailed for the Chesapeake, Sir 
Henry Clinton had sent a detachment of two thousand men, 
under Gen. Phillips, to Virginia. It was Gen. Washing- 
ton's impression, that this detachment was designed ulti- 
mately to unite with Cornwallis, between whom and Gen. 
Greene a battle had recently been fought, in North Carolina. 
Washington supposed that his letter would find Lafayette 
still at Annapolis. The troops he had with him being taken 
from the northern regiments, were averse to going south. 
They were in want of shoes and clothing, and almost every 
thing necessary for a campaign. Under these circum- 
stances Lafayette first thought of waiting at Elk for further 
orders, and so wrote to Gen. Washington. But, on reflec- 
tion, supposing his presence at the south might be important, 
he concluded to go forward, and managed with such celerity 
that, by the 13th of April,, the troops had reached the ferry 
at the Susquehannah, on their march to Baltimore. But 
the difficulties he experienced, from the discontent and suf- 
ferings of the troops, were great and embarrassing. Scarce- 
ly any other general, beloved as Lafayette was by the 
soldiers, could have surmounted these difficulties. He wrote 
to Gen. Washington, while at the ferry, April 14 :: — " Many 
articles, and indeed every one which compose the apparatus 
of a soldier, will be wanting for this detachment. But shoes, 
linen, overalls, hunting shirts, will be the necessary supplies 
for which I request your excellency's most pressing orders 
to people concerned, and most warm entreaties to the board 



Si'lf-E OF LAlFAfETTE. 161 

t»f U^ai*.'' He was obliged to add : " While I was writing 
this, accounts have been brought to me, that a great deser- 
tion had taken place last night ; nine of the Rhode Island 
company, and the best men they had, who have made many 
campaigns, and never were suspected. These men say 
they like better a hundred lashes, than a journey to the 
southward. As long as they had an expedition in viewj 
they were very well satisfied, but the idea of remaining in the 
Southern States, appears to them intolerable, and they are 
amazingly averse to the people and the climate. I shall do 
my best, but if this disposition lasts, I am afraid we will 
be reduced lower than I dare express." 

Such was the disposition to desert, that before leaving 
the ferry, it was the general opinion of the officers, that 
there would not be six hundred men left by the time they 
arrived at the place of destination ; and to add to the gloo- 
miness of the prospect, the board of war had expressed its 
total inability to afford relief. The conduct of Lafayette in 
this crisis was prompt, judicious, and noble. By way of ex- 
ample, one deserter who had been taken, was hanged, and 
another, being an excellent soldier, was pardoned, but dis^. 
missed from the corps. Lafayette issued an order to the 
troops, in which he expressed sympathy for their persona! 
sufferings, and impressed upon them the criminality and 
infamy of desertion. He stated to them that the duty had 
been assigned to the detachment of fighting an enemy far 
superiour in numbers, under difficulties which tried its pa- 
triotism and virtue. That for his part, their general was 
determined to obey orders and encounter the enemy ; but if 
any of the soldiers had an inclination to abandon him, they 
might save themselves the danger and crime of desertion, as 
every one who would apply to Head-quarters for a pass, to 
join their corps, in the north, might be sure to obtain it im- 
mediately. The honour of the soldiers being thus appealed 
to, desertion from that time entirely ceased. 

To these measures, Lafayette added another, which, he 
said to Gen. Washington, "my feelings for the sufferings 
of the soldiers, and the peculiarity of their circumstancesp 
have prompted me to adopt*" He borrowed, on his own 
credit, from the merchants of Baltimore, the sum of two 
thousand guineas, with which he procured linen, shirts,, 
shoes, and other necessary articles for the soldiers, Th© 

14* 



162 EIFE OF LAFAYETTE; 

shirts were made up by the ladies of Baltimore, a great numv 
ber of whom Lafayette met at a ball, given in honour of his 
arrival in that city. The young men of Baltimore also 
formed a company of volunteer dragoons, and joined Lafay- 
ette's detachment. 

Such were the effects of these measures of Lafayette, upon 
the feelings of the soldiers, that not one of them would 
leave him. and all were inspired with ardour for the service. 
t^o strong was this feeling, that a subordinate officer, who 
was prevented by lameness from accompanying the detach- 
ment on foot, actually hired a vehicle at his own expense, 
to convey him, rather than separate from it. 

At Baltimore, Lafayette learned that Phillips, with his 
corps of two thousand men, had joined Arnold at Ports- 
mouth, and was preparing for offensive operations. For 
the purpose of moving with greater celerity, he left his 
tents, artillery, &c., under a guard, with orders to follow as 
fast as possible, and hastened on with the rest of the detach, 
ment, by forced marches, and pressed horses and wagons 
for Fredericksburg or Richmond, to act as circumstances 
might require in frustrating the designs of the enemy. 

Lafayette kept Gen. Washington advised by letter, of his 
own progress, and what he learned of the movements of the 
enemy. From Alexandria, April 23d, he informed the 
general of a circumstance which is mentioned in all the 
Biographies of Washington, and which gave rise to 'the 
celebrated letter to Lund Washington. " When the enemy 
came to your house (he says,) many negroes deserted to 
them. This piece of news did not affect me much, as I 
little value these matters. Bat you cannot conceive how 
unhappy I have been to hear that Mr. Lund Washington 
went on board the enemy's vessels, and consented to give 
them provisions. This being done by the gentleman who, 
in some measure, represents you at your house, will cer- 
tainly have a bad effect, and contrasts with spirited an- 
swers from some neighbours that have had their houses burnt 
accordingly. You will do what you think proper about it, my 
dear general, but, as your friend, it was my duty confiden- 
tially to mention the circumstances." 

In reply. Gen. Washington said: "The freedom of 
your communication is an evidence to me of the sincerity 
af your attachment, and every fresh instance of this give©^ 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 163 

pleasure and adds strength to the bond which unites us in 
friendship. In this Hght I view the intimation respecting 
the conduct of Mr. Lund Washington." He had previously 
been informed of it, however, and written the letter to 
which we have referred. 

Lafayette had been reluctant to go south, under a hope 
that his favourite expedition, an attack upon the enemy at 
New York, would be undertaken in the spring. In letters 
of the 13th and 14th of April, Gen. Washington informed 
him that there was little prospect of such an undertaking. 
" If (he said) the most distant prospect of such an operation 
as you speak of had been in my mind, I should have looked 
upon your detachment as essential to the undertaking ; but 
I can assure you, without entering into a detail of reasons, 
which I cannot commit to paper, that 1 have not at present 
an idea of being able to effect such a matter." In subse- 
quent letters, (April 2 1st and 22d) he expressed the desire 
he had of having Lafayette near him. *' There would occur 
frequent occasions (he said) in co-operative measures, in 
which it would be of the greatest utility I should have the 
power to consult you." But, as he could not recall the de- 
tachment, he left it to the option of Lafayette, to proceed 
with his corps, or return personally to Head-quarters. La- 
fayette, however, was too deeply and too beneficially enga- 
ged in the object of his expedition, before receiving these 
letters, to retrace his steps ; and was gratified with receiv- 
ing, during his' progress, the strong assurances of the appro= 
bation of the commander-in-chief. In a letter dated May 
5, Gen. Washington congratulated Lafayette upon his suc- 
cess in allaying the spirit of discontent among his troops, 
and added: "The measures you had taken to obtain, on 
your own credit, a supply of clothing and necessaries for 
the detachment, must entitle you to all their gratitude and 
affection ; and will, at the same time that it endears your 
name, if possible, still more to this countr)^, be an everlast- 
ing monument of your ardent zeal and attachment to its 
cause, and the establishment of its independence. For my 
own part, my dear marquis, although I stood in need of no 
new proofs of your exertions and sacrifices in the cause of 
America, I will confess to you, that I shall not be able to 
express the pleasing sensations I have experienced at the 
unparalleled and repeated instances of your generosity and 



164 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. 

zeal for the service on every occasion. Suffer me only to- 
pursue you w^ith my sincerest vt^ishes, that your success and 
glory may always be equal to your merits." 

Phillips and Arnold were ascending James River, com- 
mitting depredations by the way, and approaching Rich- 
mond, where there was a quantity of tobacco and publick 
stores. Suspecting their object, Lafayette hastened his 
march, and reached Richmond before them. His force 
consisted of nine hundred men, rank and file, while that of 
the enemy was about twenty-five hundred. He was joined 
at Richmond by a corps of militia, under Gen. Nelson, and 
by Baron Steuben, with a small corps of regular troops. 
When Gen. Phillips arrived on the morning of the 30th, 
and had given orders for an attack, he was astonished to 
discover, on reconnoitring, the corps of Lafayette and their i 

position ; he flew into a violent passion, and swore ven- * 

geance against them. The enemy burnt the warehouses 
at Manchester, on the opposite side of the river ; landed 
about six hundred men on the Richmond side, but being 
charged by a party of dragoons under Gen. Nelson, made 
a precipitate retreat. After these demonstrations, the ene- 
my returned down the river, having been defeated in their 
object upon Richmond, by the rapid march of Lafayette 
from Baltimore. Lafayette continued to watch the mo- 
tions of the enemy, and to counteract their designs, with 
great skill and prudence, as far as the inferiority of his 
force would permit. He had been directed by Gen. Green, 
who then commanded the southern department, to take 
command of the troops in Virginia ; to conduct the cam- 
paign, and to transmit the accounts of his operations di- 
rectly to Congress and to Gen. Washington. He therefor© 
wrote to Gen. Washington from Welton, north side of 
James River, May 18, giving a statement of events up to 
that date : 

" When General Phillips retreated from Richmond, his project was 
to stop at Williamsburg, there to collect contributions which he had 
imposed ; this induced me to take a position between Pamunkey, and 
Chikahomony rivers, which equally covered Richmond, and some 
other interesting parts of the state, and from where I detached Gen» 
eral Nelson with some militia towards Williamsburg. 

" Having got as low down as that place, General Phillips seemed 
to discover an intention to make a landing, but upon advices received 
fey a vessel from Portsmouth, the enemy weighed anchor, and with 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 165 

all the sail they could crowd, hastened up the river. This intelligence 
made me apprehensive that the enemy intended to manceuvre me out 
of Richmond where I returned immediately, and again collected our 
small fores. Intelligence was the same day received that Lord Corn- 
wallis (who I had been assured to have embarked at Wilmington) 
was marching through North Carolina, (this was confirmed by the 
landing of General Phillips at Brandon, south side of James River.) 
Apprehending that both armies would move to meet at a central point, 
I marched towards Petersburg and intended to have established a 
communication over Appamatox and James rivers ; but on the 9th, 
General Phillips took possession of Petersburg, a place where his right 
flank being covered by James River, his front by Appamatox, on 
which the bridges had been destroyed in the first part of the invasion, 
and his left not being attackable but by a long circuit through fords, 
that at this season are very uncertain, I could not (even with an 
equal force) have got any chance of fighting him, unless I had 
given up this side of James River, and the country from which re-en- 
forcements are expected. It being at the enemy's choice to force us 
to an action, while their own position insured them against our en- 
terprises, I thought it proper to shift this situation, and marched the 
greater part of our troops to this place, about ten miles below Rich- 
mond. Letters from General Nash, General Sumner, and General 
Jones are positive as to the arrival of Colonel Tarleton, and announce 
that of Lord Cornwallis at Halifax. Having received a request from 
North Carolina for ammunition, I made a detachment of 500 men 
under General Muhlenburgto escort 20,000 cartridges over Appoma- 
tox, and to divert the enemy's attention, Colonel Gimat, with his bat- 
talion, and four field pieces, commanded their position from this side of 
the river. I hope our ammunition will arrive safe, as before General 
Muhlenberg returned he put it in a safe road, with proper directions. 
On the 13th, General Phillips died, and the command devolved on 
General Arnold. General Wayne's detachment has not yet been 
heard of. Before he arrives, it becomes very dangerous to risk an en- 
gagement where (as the British armies being vastly superiour to us) we 
shall certainly be beaten, and by the loss of arms, the dispersion of 
militia, and the difficulty of a junction with General Wayne, we may 
lose a less dangerous chance of resistance." 

In consequence of the death of Gen. Phillips, the com- 
mand of the British forces devolved upon the traitor Arnold, 
A flag was sent, with a letter from Arnold, in continuation 
of a correspondence relative to an exchange of prisoners 
commenced previously to the death of Phillips. Lafayette 
positively refused having any correspondence with Arnold, 
at the same time assuring the officer who brought the letter, 
that " in case any other English officer should honour him 
with a letter, he would always be happy to give the officers 
every testimony of esteem." In reference to this highly 
honourable circumstance, Gen. Washington wrote to La- 



166 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

fayette, (May 31): "Your conduct upon every occasion 
meets my approbation, but in none more than in your re- 
fusing to hold a correspondence with Arnold." In the same 
letter, he says : " Your determination to avoid an engage- 
ment, with your present force, is certainly judicious. I 
hope the Pennsylvanians have begun their march before 
this time, but I have no information of it." Alluding to a 
detachment from the Pennsylvania line, under Gen. Wayne, 
which had been ordered to join Lafayette, but had been de- 
layed from the great difficulty in procuring supplies. 



CHAPTER XVIII. 

Cornwallis arrives in Virginia — ^His force — That of Lafayette — Lafay. 
yette at Richmond — Secures the valuable property — Letter to Gen. 
Washington — Cornwallis advances upon Richmond — Lafayette 
cx)mpelled to retreat — His rapid and skillful movements — Letters to 
Greene and Washington — Baffles Tarleton — Junction withWayne^s 
detachment — Outgenerals Cornwallis — Gains a strong position be- 
tween the enemy an^ the magazines at Albemarle — CornwalUs 
retreats — Lafayette becomes the assailant— His account of an action 
— Cornwallis continues his retreat — Action at Jamestown — The 
enemy retreat to Portsmouth — Indications of their intention to 
embark — Lafayette is anxious to join the northern army — Corres- 
pondence on the subject with Gen. Washington — Hints of import- 
ant operations — A French squadron expected — Junction of 'the 
French and American armies — Washington announces important 
matters to Lafayette — Enjoins him to a vigilant watch of the ene- 
my — Mode of compliance — The enemy embark — Pass up the bay- 
Commence fortifications — Lafayette becomes satisfied to remain in 
Virginia — InfoMned of the destination of the French squadron — 
Correspondence with Washington — Enjoined to prevent the enemy's 
retreat — Continued vigilance — System of Espionage —Morgan, the 
pretended deserter. 

Pursuant to the plan of Sir Henry Clinton, Lord Corn- 
wallis advanced with his whole forces from North Caroli- 
na, and formed a junction with Arnold at Petersburg, on 
the 20th of May. The active corps of Cornwallis was 
more than four thousand men, of which five hundred were 
mounted upon fleet horses, stolen from the Virginians and 
supplied to the enemy by runaway negroes. This was the 
famous flying troop of Tarleton, which became the scourge 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE, 167 

and terrour of Virginia. That under Lafayette is repre- 
sented by him to have been at the time, nine hundred conti- 
nentals and forty horse, and a small body (about 1500) of 
militia, brave, but ill-armed. Among these, however, was 
a corps of light horse, composed of some of the most re- 
spectable young men of Virginia and Maryland, who had 
joined Layfayette as volunteers, and from their intelligence, 
valour, and the superiority of their horses, they were of 
essential service to him. Lafayette's first movement was 
to Richmond, where precaution was taken to remove every 
species of valuable property, publick or private. 

In writing to General Washington from Richmond, May 
24, Lafayette expressed an ardent wish that his conduct 
might meet Washington's approbation. Had he followed 
the first impulse of his own temper, he should have risked 
something more. Had the Pennsylvania detachment arri- 
ved before Cornwallis, he had determined to attack the ene- 
my ; but their unaccountable delay was to him a source of 
great disappointment, and compelled him, contrary to his na- 
ture, to act upon the defensive. " Were I any ways equal to 
the enemy (he said), I should be extremely happy ; but I 
am not strong enough even to get beaten. Government in 
this state has no energy, and laws have no force. But I 
hope this assembly will put matters on a better footing. I 
had a great deal of trouble to put matters in a tolerable 
train ; our expenses were enormous, and yet we can get 
nothing. Arrangements for the present seem to put on a 
better face, but for this superiority of the enemy, which 
will chase us wherever they please. They can overrun the 
country, and, until the Pennsylvanians arrive, w^e are next 
to nothing in point of opposition to so large a force. This 
country begins to be as familiar to me as Tappan and Ber- 
gen. Our soldiers are hitherto very healthy : 1 have turned 
doctor, and regulate- their diet." 

Lord Cornwallis soon advanced upon Richmond, and 
Lafayette was compelled to retreat. It was the determined 
object of Cornwallis to capture Lafayette, and thus to com- 
plete the conquest of Virginia. In the mean time he en- 
deavoured to possess himself of the publick stores, and to de- 
stroy every means and position of defence. To preserve 
his corps, to form a junction with the expected reinforce- 
ments under W-ayne, and to prevent the depredations of 



168 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

the enemy, were equally the determinations of Lafayette. 
Thence began that brilliant series of movements which, on 
his part, are unsurpassed in celerity and skill by any in the 
annals of defensive warfare. It was daring this retreat of 
Lafayette, that Cornwallis, having full confidence in his 
own skill and superiority of force, exultingly wrote in a 
letter which was intercepted, " The hoy cannot escape me." 
From the letters of Lafayette and other sources, we will 
endeavour to trace his progress, first in retreating from, and 
next in pursuing, the enemy. To Gen. Greene, (camp be- 
tween Rappahannock and North Anna, June 3) he wrote : 

" Lord Cornwallis had at first a project to cross above Richmond, 
but desisted from it and landed at Westover ; he then proposed to turn 
our left flank, but before it was executed we moved by the left to 
the forks of Chickahomony, — the enemy advanced twelve miles and 
we retreated in the same proportion ! they crossed Chickahomony 
and advanced on the road to Fredericksburg. We marched in a 
parallel with them, keeping the upper part of the country. Our posi- 
tion at Mattapony church would have much exposed the enemy's 
flank on their way to Fredericksburg, but they stopped at Cook's ford 
on the North Anna River, where they are for the present. General 
Wayne having announced to me his departure on the 23d, I expected 
before this time to have made a junction. We have moved back 
some distance and are cautious not to indulge Lord Cornwallis with 
an action with our present force. 

" The intention of the enemy are not as yet well explained. Freder- 
icksburg appeared to be their object, the more so as a gi-eater number of 
troops are said to be gone down than is necessary for the garrison of 
Portsmouth. The publick stores have been as well as possible remov- 
ed, and every part of Hunter's works that could be, taken out of the 
way. It is possible they mean to make a stroke towards Charlotteville ; 
this I would not be uneasy for, had my repeated directions been exe- 
cuted. But instead of removing stores from there to Albemarle old 
Court House, where Baron de Steuben has collected six hundred reg- 
ulars, and where I ordered the militia south of James River to rendez- 
vous, it appears from a letter I received this evening that state stores 
have been, contrary to my directions, collected there, least they should 
mix with the continentals ; but my former letters were so positive, and 
my late precautions are so multiplied, that I hope the precious part of 
the stores will have been removed to a safer place. I had also some 
stores removed from Orange Court-House. Despatches from the Gov- 
ernour to me have fallen into the enemy's hands ; of which I gave him 
and the baron immediate notice." 

*' The enemy must have five hundred men mounted and their ca- 
valry increases daily. It is impossible in this country to take horses 
out of their way, and the neglect of the inhabitants, dispersion of 
liouses, and robberies of negroes, (should even the most vigorous 



LIFE O^ LAFAYETTE. 169 

measures have been taken by the civil authority) would have yet put 
many horses into their hands. Under this cloud of light troops it is 
difficult to reconnoitre, as well as counteract any rapid movements 
they choose to make." 

The same day, Lafayette wrote to Gen. Washington, 
enclosing a copy of the letter to Greene. He said : " I 
heartily wish, my dear general, my conduct may be appro- 
ved of, particularly by you. My circumstances have been 
peculiar, and in this state I have sometimes experienced 
strange disappointments. Two of them, the stores at Char- 
lottesville, and the delay of the Pennsylvania detachment, 
have given me much uneasiness, and may be attended with 
bad consequences." He expressed a wish to see General 
Washington in Virginia, with a large detachment of Amer- 
ican troops and a portion of the French army ; believing 
that he would thus call forth the energies of the state of 
Virginia, and ensure success. But, while thus acknowl- 
edging his embarrassments, and his desire for re-enforce- 
ments, Lafayette neither expressed despair, nor relaxed in his 
exertions. 

Baffling the pursuit of the enemy, Lafayette retired to a 
position beyond the Rapid Ann, to secure and await the 
junction with Wayne. Lord Cornwallis, disappointed in 
bringing Lafayette to an action, detached Tarleton's legion, 
to surprise the Assembly of Virginia at Charlottesville ; but 
Lafayette gave timely notice of Tarleton's approach, and he 
succeeded only in capturing a few arms and a small quantity 
of powder. Another detachment under Col. Simcoe, said 
to be four hundred dragoons and mounted infantry, proceed- 
ed to the forks of James River, where Baron Steuben, with 
a corps of the new Virginia levies, was guarding S(Mne mil- 
itary stores. Tlie baron, securing most of the stores, re- 
treated safely to the south with his detachment. Cornwal- 
lis, in the mean time, proceeded with his main army in the 
direction of Albemarle Court-House, with the intention of 
capturing the principal magazines fl)r the supply of the 
southern armies, which were at that place. Lafayette per- 
ceived the danger, but had not sufficient force to prevent it. 
Fortunately, Wayne's detachment arrived in season ; and 
immediately on forming a junction, he proceeded by forced 
marches towards James River, and on arriving at the South 
Anna, found Cornwallis encamped some miles below the 

15 



170 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

point of Fork, within one day's march of the magazines. 
The only road known to the enemy, by which Lafayette 
could gain a position between them and their object, was so 
covered by them, that in passing it, he would have presented 
his flank, and exposed himself to almost inevitable defeat. 
He, however, discovered a shorter road, little known, by 
which he repaired cautiously in the night (June 15, 1781) ; 
and Cornwallis was astonished next morning, to see Lafay- 
ette established in a strong position, between him and the 
magazines, which were so important to the whole American 
army in the south. Here he was joined by about six hun- 
dred riflemen and militia. 

Thus defeated in his object, and finding Lafayette 
strengthened by the junction of Wayne's corps and the mi- 
litia. Lord Cornwallis commenced a retrogade movement, 
and arrived at Richmond on the 18th of June, closely fol- 
lowed by Lafayette. From this time Lafayette became the 
assailant — how successfully, will appear from the following 
account, in a letter to General Greene, dated twenty miles 
from Williamburg, 27th June : 

" On the 18th the British army moved towards us with design, as 
I apprehended, to strike at a detached corps commanded by Gen. 
Muhlenberg ; upon this the light infantry and Pennsylvanians marched 
under Gen. Wayne, when the enemy retired into town. The day fol- 
lowing I was joined by Gen. Steuben's troops, and on the night of the 
20th Richmond was evacuated. Having followed the enemy, our 
light parties fell in with them near New Kent Court-House. The army 
was still at a distance, and Lord Cornwallis continued his route to- 
wards Williamsburg ; his rear and right flank were covered by a 
large corps commanded by Col. Simcoe. I pushed forward a detach, 
ment under Col. Butler, but notwithstanding a fatiguing march the 
colonel reports that he could not have overtaken them, had not Ma- 
jor McPherson mounted fifty light infantry behind an equal number of 
dragoons, which coming up with the enemy charged them within six 
miles of Williamsburg ; such of the advance corps as could arrive to 
their support, composed of riflemen under Major Call and Major Willis, 
began a smart action. Enclosed is the return of our loss. That of the 
enemy is about 60 killed and 100 wounded, including several officers, 
a disproportion which the skill of our riflemen easily explains. I am 
imder great obligations to Col. Butler and the officers and men of the 
detachment for their ardour in the pursuit and their conduct in the 
action. Gen. Wayne, who had marched to the support of Butler, sent 
down some troops under Major Hamilton. The whole British army 
came out to save Simcoe, and on the arrival of our army upon this 
ground returned to Williamsburg. The post th-ey occupy at present is 
strong and under protection of their shipping, but upwards of ong hun- 
dred miles from the point of Fork." 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 171 

To Mr. Jefferson, then governour of Virginia, and to 
Gen. Washington, Lafayette also gave accounts of this ac- 
tion. He stated his own loss at two captains, two lieuten- 
ants, ten privates, wounded ; two lieutenants, one ser- 
geant, six privates, killed ; one sergeant, taken ; and one 
lieutenant and twelve privates whose fate was unknown. 
Cornwallis was greatly mortified at the result of the action. 
His force was about four thousand six hundred men, eight 
hundred of whom were dragoons, or mounted infantry. 
Lafayette had about the same number, but only one 
thousand five hundred regulai^s, and fifty dragoons. Wri- 
ting to General Washington, Lafayette said : " The ene- 
my have been so kind as to retire before us. Twice I gave 
them a chance of fighting, (taking care not to engage far- 
ther than I pleased,) but they continued their retrogade mo- 
tions. Our numbers are, I think, exaggerated to them, and 
our seeming boldness confirms the opinion. * * * 
* * Our little action more particularly marks the 
retreat of the enemy. From the place whence he first be- 
gan to retire is upward of one hundred miles. The old 
arms at the Point of Fork have been taken out of the water. 
The cannon was thrown into the river, undamaged, when 
they marched back to Richmond ; so that his lordship did 
us no harm of any consequence, but lost an immense part 
of his former conquests, and did not make any in this state. 
Gen. Greene only demanded of me to hold my ground in 
Virginia. But the movements of Lord Cornwallis may 
answer better purposes than that, in the political line." 

By this time, some of the most chivalrous spirits of Vir- 
ginia had united themselves to Lafayette's corps, conside- 
rably augmenting his moral and physical force, though not 
so materially his numbers. The British continued their 
retreat, followed vigilantly by Lafayette ; and while the 
enemy were crossing the river at Jamestown, a warm action 
took place, which came very near being a general one. It 
is thus related, in a letter from Lafayette to Gen. Greene, 
dated at Ambler's Plantation, opposite Jamestown, .Tuly 8 : 

" The 6tb, I detached an advanced corps under Gen. Wayne, with a 
view of reconnoitring the enemy's situation. Their light parties being 
drawn in, the pickets which lay close to their encampment were gallant- 
ly attacked by some riflemen, whose skill was employed to great effect. 

" Having ascertained that Lord Cornwallis had sent ofFhis baggage 
under a proper escort, and posted his army in an open field fortified 



172 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

by the shipping, I returned to the detachment, which I found more 
generally engaged. A piece of cannon had been attempted by the 
vanguard under Major Galvan, whose conduct deserves high applause. 
Upon this the whole British army came out and advanced to the thin 
wood occupied by General Wayne. His corps, chiefly composed of 
Pennsylvanians and some light infantry, did not exceed eight hundred 
men, with three field pieces. But, notwithstanding their numbers, at 
sight of the British the troops ran to the rencontre. A short skirmish 
ensued with a close, warm, and well-directed firing, but as the enemy's 
right and left of course greatly outflanked ours, I sent General Wayne 
orders to retire half a mile, to where Col. Vose's and CoL Barber's 
light infantry battalions had arrived by a rapid move, and where I 
directed them to form. In this, position they remained till some 
hours in the night. The militia under Gen. Lawson had been ad- 
vanced, and the continentals were at Norrel's mill, when the enemy 
retreated during the night to James Island, which they also evacuated, 
crossing over to the south side of the river. Their ground at this 
place and the island were successively occupied by General Muhlen- 
berg. Many valuable horses were left on their retreat. 

" From every account, the enemy's loss has been very great, and 
much pains taken to conceal it. Their light infantry, the brigade of 
guards and two British regiments, formed the first line, the remainder 
of the army the second ; the cavalry were drawn up but did not charge. 

" By the enclosed return you will see v/hat part of Gen. Wayne's 
detachment suffered most. The services rendered by the officers make 
me happy to think that although many were wounded we lost none. 
Most of the field officers had their horses killed, and the same accident 
to every horse of two field pieces made it impossible to move them, 
unless men had been sacrificed. But it is enough for the glory of 
Gen. Wayne and the officers and men he commanded, to have at- 
tacked the whole British army with a reconnoicring party only, close 
to their encampment, and by this severe skirmish hastened their re- 
treat over the river. 

" Col. Bowyer of the riflemen is a prisoner." 

Gen. Wayne, in describing the action, said : " Our field 
officers were generally dismounted by having their horses 
either killed or wounded under them. Colonel Mercer, and 
another young Virginia gentleman, were not more fortu- 
jaate. 1 will not condole with the marquis (Lafayette) for 
the loss of two of his, as he was frequently requested to keep 
at a greater distance. His native bravery rendered him 
deaf to the admonition." 

To Gen. Washington, enclosing an account of this en- 
gagement, Lafayette wrote : " Agreeably to your orders I 
hav§ avoided a general action, and when Lord Cornwallis' 
movements indicated that it was against his interest to 
fight, I ventured partial engagements. His lordship seems 
to have given up the conquest of Virginia, It has been- a 



tW& OF LAFAYETTE. itS 

great secret that our army was not superiour, and was most 
generally inferioiir, to the enemy's numbers. Our returns 
were swelled up, as militia returns generally are ; but we 
had very few under arms, particularly lately, and to conceal 
the lessening of our numbers, I was obliged to push on as 
one who heartily wished a general engagement. Our reg- 
ulars did not exceed one thousand five hundred ; the enemy 
had four thousand regulars, four hundred of whom were 
mounted. They thought we had. eight thousand men. I 
never encamped in line, and there was greater difficulty to 
come at our numbers." 

From Jamestown the English retreated to Portsmouth,. 
near the mouth of James River, with the waters of the' 
Chesapeake open before them. The American army en- 
camped on Malvan Hill, a favourable position in the vicinity. 
From several days of quiet, and indications that the enemy 
intended to embark with their whole army, Lafayette con^ 
sidered that the active portion of the Virginia campaign 
was at an end. Believing, therefore, that his favourite pro- 
ject, an attack upon New York by the combined French 
and American forces, would still be attempted, he was anx- 
ious to return to the northern army ; and wrote to General 
Washington, on the 20th of July, as follows : 

*' When I went to the southward, you know I had some private 
objections ; but I became sensible of the necessity there was for the 
detachment to go, and I knew that had I returned there was nobody 
that could lead them on against their inclination. My entering this 
state was happily marked by a service to the capital. Virginia be- 
came the grand object of the enemy, as it was the point to which the 
ministry tended. I had the honour to command an army and oppose 
Lord Cornwallis. When incomparably inferiour to him, fortune was 
pleased to preserve us ; when equal in numbers, though not in quali- 
ty of troops, we have also been pretty lucky. Cornwallis had the dis^ 
grace of a retreat, and this state being recovered, government is properly 
re-established. The enemy are under the protection of their works at 
Portsmouth. It appears an embarkation is taking place, probably 
destined to New York. The war in this state would then become a 
plundering one, and great manoeuvres be out of the question. A pru. 
dent officer would do our business here, and the baron is prudent to 
the utmost. Would it be possible, my dear general, in case a part of 
the British troops go to New York, I maybe allowed to join the com= 
bined armies ?" 

In another letter, same date, he says : 

" I am entirely a stranger to every thing that passes out of Virginia, 
and Virginian operations being for the present in a state of languor? 

15=^ 



174 LIFE OF LAFAYETTEc, 

I have more time to think of my solitude ; in a word, my dear gener- 
al, I am home -sick, and if I cannot go to Head-quarters, wish at least 
to hear from thence. I am anxious to know your opinion concerning 
the Virginian campaign. That the subjugation of this state was the 
great object of the ministry is an indisputable fact. I think your di- 
version has been of more use to the state than my manoeuvres ; but 
the latter have been much directed by political views. So long as my 
lord wished for an action, not one gun has- been fired ; the moment 
he declined it, we have been skirmishing ; but I took care never to 
commit the army. His naval superiority, his superiority of horse, 
of regulars, his thousand advantages over us, so that I am lucky to 
have come off safe. I had an eye upon European negotiations, and 
made it a point to give his lordship the disgrace of a retreat. 

" From every account it appears that a part of the army will em- 
bark. The light infantry, the guards, the 80th regiment, and Queen's 
rangers, are, it it said, destined to New York. Lord Cornwallis, I am 
told, is much disappointed in his hopes of command. I cannot find 
out what he docs with himself; Should he go to England, we are, I 
think, to rejoice for it ; he is a cold and active man, two dangerous 
qualities in this southern war. 

" The clothing you have long ago sent to the light infantry is not 
yet arrived. I have been obliged to send for it, and expect it in a few 
days. These three battalions are the best troops that ever took the 
field ; my confidence in them is unbounded ; they are far superiour to 
any British troops, and none will ever venture to meet them in equal 
numbers. What a pity these men are not employed along with the 
French grenadiers ; they would do eternal honour to our arms. But 
their presence here, I must confess, has saved this state, and, indeed^ 
the southern part of the continent." 

In reply to this letter, (under date of July 30,) General 
Washington said : "You ask my opinion of the Virginia 
campaign. Be assured, my dear marquis, your conduct 
meets my warmest approbation, as it must that of every 
body. Should it ever be said, that my attachment to you 
betrayed me into partiality, you have only to appeal to 
facts to refute any such charge. But I trust there will be 
no occasion." In a private letter of the same date, Gen. 
Washington wrote : " I am convinced that your desire to 
be with this army, arises principall}^ from a wish to be ac- 
tively useful. You will not, therefore, regret your stay in 
Virginia until matters are reduced to a greater degree of 
certainty, than they are at present ; especially when I tell 
you, that, from the change of circumstances with which 
the removal of part of the enemy's force from Virginia to 
New York will be attended, it is more than probable we 
shall also entirely change our plan of operations." 

Washington dared not to be more explicit, for fear hisi. 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 175 

letter might be intercepted. But he was beginning to turn 
his attention to the south, and the great result of Lafayette's 
successful operations in Virginia, was soon to be consum- 
mated. The Count de Barras arrived from France on the 
6th of May, to take command of the French squadron at 
Newport. With him came the son of Count Rochambeau, 
who had preceded Mr. Laurens to France, with despatches 
to the French government on American affairs. By him^ 
Count de Rochambeau had been advised of the intentions 
of his government, with respiect to operations in America. 
The French government had agreed to supply the Ameri- 
cans with six millions of livres, and a part of the money 
had been forwarded. They were also negotiating for a 
loan of ten millions from Holland. Six hundred recruits 
were to be sent to re-enforce Count de Rochambeau, with 
money for the army and navy. The Count de Grasse was 
about to sail, with a large naval armament, for the West 
Indies. He was authorized to take on board a detachment 
of troops at the Islands, and sail for the American coast, to 
employ the summer months in co-operating with the squad- 
ron under Count de Barras, and the French and American^ 
armies. In announcing this intention, Count de Grasse 
stated that his stay must necessarily be short, and urged 
speedy preparations to co-operate with him. Upon the re- 
ceipt of this important intelligence, Count de Rochambeau; 
immediately requested a conference with Gen. Washington, 
to arrange the plan of operations. That conference took 
place at Weathersfield, Conn., on the 22d of May. Count 
de Rochambeau inclined to an expedition to Virginia, where 
his young countryman was so arduously and gallantly em- 
ployed. For reasons, however, assigned by Gen. Wash- 
ington, a combined attack upon New York was agreed 
upon. But, it appears, the count wrote to M. de Grasse in 
answer, expressing it as his private opinion, that an enter- 
prise, in the Chesapeake Bay, against CornwalHs, would be 
the most practicable and the least suspected by the enemy, 
leaving it to his discretion, (in which General VVashington 
concurred) whether to make the northern coast, or go di- 
rectly to the Chesapeake. It was agreed, also, that the 
French army should leave Newport, and unite with the 
American army on the banks of the Hudson. The junctioEu 
was effected on the 6th of July^ 



176 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE e 

The junction of the two armies was announced to La^ 
fayette, in a letter from Washington, dated July 13th, in 
which he congratulated him on the favourable turn of affairs 
in Virginia, and expressed a hope that he would be able to 
maintain his superiority ; adding, " I shall shortly have 
occasion to communicate matters of very great importance 
to you, so much so that I shall send a confidential officer 
on purpose. You will in the mean time endeavour to draw 
together as respectable a body of continental troops as you 
possibly can, and take every measure to augment your cav- 
alry. Should the enemy confi^ne themselves to the lower 
country, you will no doubt pa)^ attention to the formation 
of magazines above." He enjoined Lafayette to keep open 
the line of communication with Philadelphia, and with the 
coast, and to inform him promptly of the movements of the 
enemy. 

These injunctions were superfluous ; for Lafayette was 
ever active and vigilant. He watched the enemy narrowly, 
and sent advices of every movement to General Washing- 
ton. He called out the militia to guard the passes, and 
took every precaution to prevent the retreat of the enemy 
to North Carolina, Such was his vigilance that he had his 
spies, even in the camp and household of Cornwallis. The 
following anecdote, illustrative of what we have here said, 
is related by Mr. Sparks : 

"When Cornwallis had retired before Lafayette, and was near 
Williamsburg, as the former had a superiour force, Lafayette did not 
choose to bring him to a general action ; but he wished at the same 
time to impress upon him an idea of the largeness of his numbers, in 
order that Cornwallis might not be induced to turn upon him, and 
thus compel him again to retreat. He had taken into his service a 
very shrewd negro man, whom he had instructed to go into the ene- 
my's camp and pretend to give himself up to them. This task the 
man performed with so much cunning, that he was actually employ* 
ed by Lord Cornwallis as a spy, at the time he was acting in the 
same capacity for the other side. But he was true to his first em- 
ployer. Lafayette wrote a fictitious order to General Morgan, requi- 
ring him to take his station at a certain post in conjunction with the 
army. The paper was then torn and given to the negro, with direc- 
tions how to proceed. He returned to Cornwallis, who asked him 
what news he brought from the American camp. He said there was 
no news, that he saw no changes, but every thing appeared as it was 
the day before. Holding the tattered paper in his hand, he was asked 
what it was, and replied that he had picked it up in the American 
camp, but, as he could not read, he did not know that it was of any 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 177 

importance. The general took it, and was surprised to find such an 
order. He had not heard of Morgan's having joined the army, or of 
his being expected. It made him cautious, however, for a day or two 
before he was undeceived, and the object of Lafayette was gained." 

July 31, Lafayette wrote to Gen. Washington : " A cor- 
respondent of mine, servant of Lord Cornwallis, writes on 
the 26th of July, at Portsmouth, and says, his master, Tarle- 
ton, and Simcoe, are still in town, but expect to move. 
The greater part of the army is embarked. My lord's bag. 
gage is yet in town. His lordship is so shy of his papers, 
that my honest friend says he cannot get at them. There 
is a large quantity of negroes, but, it seems', no vessels to 
take them off. What garrison they leave I do not know. 
I shall take care at least to keep them within bounds. 
Should a French fleet now come in Hampton Road, the 
British army would, I think, be ours." 

After embarking his forces on board the vessels, instead 
of proceeding for New York, as Lafayette had suspected, 
Cornwallis passed up the Bay, entered York River, and 
landed at York and Gloucester. The enemy first began 
their entrenchments upon Gloucester Point, a neck of land 
opposite York, but proceeded for many days slowly in their 
operations, as though undecided in their plans. 

The hints which Gen. Washington had conveyed to him 
in the letters of July 13 and 30, and the recent movements 
of the enemy, rendered Lafayette better satisfied with his 
position. He wrote, August 11 : ''Be sure, my dear gen- 
eral, that the pleasure of being with you, will make me hap- 
py in any command you may think proper to give me ; but 
for the present, I am of the opinion, with you, I had better 
remain in Virginia ; the more so, as Lord Cornwallis does 
not choose to leave us, and circumstances may happen that 
will furnish me agreeable opportunities in the command of 
the Virginia army. I have pretty well understood you, my 
dear general, but would be happy in a more minute de- 
tail, which, I am sensible, cannot be intrusted to letters. 
* * * * But to return to operations in Vir- 
ginia, I will tell you, my dear general, that Lord Cornwal- 
lis is entrenching at York and at Gloucester. The sooner 
we disturb him the better ; but unless our maritime friends 
give us help, we cannot much venture below." 

By the arrival of a French frigate at Boston, from Count 



178 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. 

de Grasse, Gen. Washington received intelligence that the 
count, with a fleet of from twenty-five to twenty-nine ves- 
sels of war, and about three thousand troops, would leave 
St. Domingo on the 13th of August, and proceed directly 
for the Chesapeake Bay. " Under these circumstances, 
(he wrote to Lafayette) whether the enemy remain in full 
force, or whether they have only a detachment left, you will 
immediately take such a position as will best enable you to 
prevent their sudden retreat through North Carolina, which 
I presume they will attempt the instant they perceive so for- 
midable an armament. . . . You will hear further from 
me as soon as I have concerted plans and formed disposi- 
tions for sending a re-enforcement from hence. In the mean 
time I have only to recommend a continuation of that pru- 
dence and good conduct, which you have manifested though 
the whole of your campaign." 

This intelligence was highly gratifying to Lafayette. 
Under date of August 21st, he informs Gen. Washington 
that the enemy were very busy at Gloucester Neck, but had 
not commenced fortifying at York. He states the measures 
he had adopted, agreeably to General Washington's sugges- 
tions, to prevent the escape of the enemy, and facilitate a 
junction with the expected re-enforcements. And adds : 
"In the present state of affairs, my dear general, I hope 
you will come yourself to Virginia, and that, if the French 
army moves this way, I will have, at least, the satisfaction 
of beholding you myself at the head of the combined armies. 
In two days I will write again to your excellency, and keep 
you particularly and constantly informed, unless something 
is done at the very moment (and it will probably be diffi- 
cult). Lord Cornwaliis must be attacked with pretty great 
apparatus. But when a French fleet takes possession of 
the bay and rivers, and we form a land force superiour to 
his, that army must, sooner or later, be forced to surrender, 
as we may get what re-enforcements we please. Adieu, 
my dear general : I heartily thank you for having ordered 
me to remain in Virginia : it is to your goodness that I am 
indebted for the most beautiful prospect which I may ever 
behold." 

On the 29th, Lafayette wrote: "The enemy have 
evacuated their forts at Troy, Kemp's Landing, Great 
Bridge, and Portsmouth. Their vessels, with troops and 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 179 

baggage, went round to York. Some cannon have been 
left spiked up at Portsmouth, but I have not yet received 
proper returns. I have got some intelHgence by the way 
of this servant I have once mentioned. [See page 177.] 
A very sensible fellow was with him, and from him, as well 
as deserters, I hear they begin fortifying at York. They 
are even working by a windmill, at which place I under- 
stand they will make a fort and a battery for the defence of 
the river. I have no doubt that something will be done on 
the land side. The works at Gloucester are finished. 
They consist of some redoubts across Gloucester Creek, 
and a battery of eighteen pieces bounding the river." 

The " very sensible fellow" here alluded to, is the hero of 
the following narrative, which we find in a note to Lafay- 
ette's correspondence, and also in Spark's Writings of 
Washington : 

"After the arrival of Lord Cornwallis at York, General Lafayette 
asked Colonel Barber for a faithful and an intelhgent soldier, whom 
he could send as a spy into the English camp. Morgan, of the New 
Jersey line, was pointed out to him. The general sent for him, and 
proposed to him the difficult task of going over to the enemy as a de- 
serter, and enrolling himself in their army. Morgan answered, 
that he was ready to do every thing for his country and his general, 
but that to act the part of a spy was repugnant to all his feelings ; he 
did not fear for his life, but for his name, which might be blotted with 
an eternal stain. He ended, however, by yielding, but on condition, 
that in case of any misfortune, the general would make the truth 
known, and publish all the particulars of the case in the New Jersey 
papers. M. de Lafayette promised this should be done. Morgan 
then proceeded to Ihe English camp. His mission was to give advice 
of the movements of the enemy, and deceive them as to the projects 
and resources of the Americans. He had not been long with the 
English, when Cornwallis sent for him, and questioned him, in the 
presence of Tarleton, upon the means General Lafayette might have 
of crossing south of James River. Morgan replied, according to his 
private instructions, that he had a sufficient number of boats, on the 
first signal, to cross the river with his whole army. " In that case," 
said Cornwallis to Tarleton, " what I said to you cannot be done ;" 
alluding, in all probability, to an intended march upon North Caroli- 
na. After the arrival of the French fleet, M. de Lafayette, on his re- 
turn from a reconnoitring party, found in his quarters six men dressed 
in the English uniform, and a Hessian dressed in green : Morgan was 
amongst them, bringing back five deserters and a prisoner; he no 
longer thought his services as a spy could be of any use to his country. 
The next day, the general offered him, as a recompense, the rank of 
sergeant. Morgan thanked him, but declined the offer, saying that he 
thought himself a good soldier, but was not certain of being a good 



180 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

sergeant. Other offers were also refused. " What can I then do for 
you ?" inqmred the general. " I have only one favour to ask," replied 
Morgan. " During my absence my gun has been taken from me ; I 
value it very much, and I should like to have it back again." Orders 
were given that the gun should be found and restored to him : this 
was the only thing he could be prevailed on to receive. Mr. Sparks, 
who published this anecdote, says " he heard it related, fifty years af- 
ter it had occurred, by General Lafayette, who still expressed great 
admiration for that soldier's noble feelings and disinterested conduct." 



CHAPTER XIX. 

Gen. Washington, with the combined armies, resolves to march to 
Virginia — Injunctions to Lafayette renewed and complied with— 
Cornwallis held in a position favourable to Lafayette's plans and 
wishes — The fleet of Count de Grasse arrives in the Chesapeake 
■ — Lafayette in command of the combined forces — Blockades Corn- 
wallis, by sea and land — Impatience of Count de Grasse and Gen. 
St. Simon — Urge Lafayette to attack Cornwallis — He refuses — 
Sacrifices ambition, and glory, to duty and discretion — A Brit- 
ish fleet appears off the Chesapeake — Count de Grasse sails— Meets 
and disperses them — Gen. Washington and Count Rochambeau 
arrive at Williamsburg — Interview with the French admiral^De 
Grasse promises to co-operate — Changes his mind — Resolves to sail 
for the West Indies — Mission of Lafayette, to dissuade him from 
it— Its success — The French and American armies arrive-— General 
Washington in command-— Siege of Yorktown commenced— Gen. 
Rochambeau's account of it — Lafayette storms and carries a re- 
doubt — Capitulation and surrender — Lafayette's deportment— Vin- 
dicates the Americans — Oflers to join General Greene — Resolves to 
visit France — Takes leave of his brave corps — Complimentary re- 
solves of Congress — Approbatory letters of Counts de Segur and 
de Vergennes — Farewell letters of Washington — Lafayette bids 
adieu to Washington and sails for France— -His military services 
in America terminated — Their value — Estimate of the Virginia 
campaign— Gen. Lee's opinion — Testimony of Mr. Madison. 

In the mean time, the movement so much desired by La* 
fayette, had been resolved upon. The advices from Count 
de Grasse, and the re-enforcement of the British army at 
New York by the arrival of three thousand Hessians, had 
induced Gen, Washington finally to abandon the plan of 
attacking New York, and to determine on repairing in per- 
son, with the whole of the French army, and as lar^e a 
portion of the American army as could be spared, to the 
Chesapeake, He advised Lafayette, from King's Ferry, 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. IQl 

21st August, that the troops destined for the southern quar* 
ter, were then in motion ; that the American detachments 
were already on the west side of the Hudson ; that he ex- 
pected the French army to reach the ferry that day ; and 
that their march would be continued with all the despatch 
that their circumstances would admit. "As it will be of great 
importance (he added) towards the success of our present 
enterprise, that the enemy, on the arrival of the fleet, should 
not have it in their power to effect their retreat, I cannot 
omit to repeat to you my most earnest wish that the land 
and naval forces, which you will have with you, may so 
combine their operations, that the British army may not be 
able to escape. The particular mode of doing this, I shall 
not, at this distance, attempt to dictate. Your own knowl- 
edge of the country, from your long continuance in it, and 
the various and extensive movements which you have made, 
have given you great opportunities for observation ; of 
which I am persuaded your military genius and judgement 
will lead you to make the best improvement. You will, my 
dear marquis, keep me constantly advised of every impor- 
tant event respecting the enemy or yourself." 

It would, perhaps, be sufficient to say, that these injunc- 
tions were fulfilled to the letter. To prevent the enemy's 
escape into North Carolina, Lafayette despatched troops 
to the south of James River, under pretence of dislodging 
the enemy from Portsmouth. With the same view he de- 
tained troops on the south of James River, under the pre- 
tence of detaching General Wayne, with the Pennsylvania 
troops, to the southern army, to re-enforce General Greene. 
He disclosed to no one his objects, and therefore they could 
not be betrayed to the enemy. It was at this period, and to 
aid in deceiving the enemy, that the pretended deserter, 
Morgan, mentioned in a preceding page, was sent to Lord 
Cornwallis' camp. By untiring efforts, by a series of 
the most skilful manoeuvring for months, Lafayette had 
driven his adversaries into a position the most favourable to 
his plan of a naval co-operation ; and by persevering vigi- 
lance, skill and bravery, he held them to that position, after 
the danger had become apparent to them. 

On the 1st of September, Lafayette had the satisfaction 
of announcing to Gen. Washington the arrival of Count de 
Grasse's fleet. It consisted of twenty-eight ships of the 

16 



182 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

line, with several frigates and convoys ; and a corps of 
three thousand troops under the Marquis St. Simon. La- 
fayette marched rapidly to Williamsburg, and effected a 
junction with the French troops on the 5th. He then 
crossed the river, united Wayne's corps to his own, and as^ 
sembled, on the other side of the river, opposite to Glouces- 
ter, a corps of miUtia. Lord Cornwallis thus found him- 
self, as though by magick, suddenly blockaded by sea and 
land, with no chance of escape, except by a perilous efforts 
He, however, reconnoitred Lafayette's position at Williams- 
burg, with the design of attacking it. He found it well 
chosen, and its defences strong and judiciously arranged. 
There were five thousand French and American troops, a 
large corps of militia, and well-manned siege artillery. His 
lordship declined hazarding the attack. There was one 
point by which, Lafayette thought, the enemy might possi- 
bly escape. He might have crossed over to Gloucester, 
and ascended York River, the Count de Grasse not having 
complied with the request of Lafayette to send some vessels 
up York River, to defend that passage. But in that at- 
tempt Cornwallis must have abandoned his artillery, maga- 
zines, and invalids.; and measures had been adopted to cut 
off his road in several places. He therefore abandoned all 
present idea of escape, and laboured night and day to com* 
plete his defences. 

With the arrival of the French fleet, and the union of his 
countrymen with his gallant band of American soldiers, La- 
fayette was highly elated. He wrote to Gen, Washington; 
" Thanks to you, my dear general, I am in a very charming 
situation, and find myself at the head of a beautiful body of 
troops ; but am not so hasty as the Count de Grasse, and 
think that, having so sure a game to play, it would be mad- 
ness, by the risk of an attack, to give any thing to chance.'* 
Indeed, the Count de Grasse, having so short a time to re- 
main, was impatient of the least delays. Not finding, on 
his arrival, the combined armies of Gen. Washington and 
Count de Rochambeau, already on the ground, as he anti- 
cipated, and the prospects of their arrival being so distant, 
he was desirous that Lafayette should commence the attack 
with the French and American forces already under his 
command ; offering for that purpose, not only the detach- 
ments which formed the garrisons of the ships, but as many 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 183 

sailors as might be required. The Marquis St. Simon, who, 
although senior in age and vServices to Lafayette, was ju- 
nior in command, concurred with the admiral in opinion. 
They represented, that the works of Lord Cornwallis were 
yet in an unfinished state, and that a sudden and well-di- 
rected attack, under those circumstances, would probably 
prove successful ; whereais, by waiting until the enemy's 
fortifications were completed, even with the additional for- 
ces expected, a long and difficult siege might be necessary. 
They said it was but just that their young countryman, 
who, after so long and arduous a campaign, had brought 
the enemy to his present condition, should have the glory 
of compelling him to surrender his arms. These conside- 
rations were tempting to a young general, of ardent temper- 
ament, not yet 24 years of age ; and the attempt might have 
been justified by the declaration of the French admiral, that 
he could not wait the arrival of the northern armies. But 
Lafayette was proof against all considerations of personal 
ambition. He would not hazard the lives of the soldiers, 
with whom he had undergone so many hardships, in an at- 
tempt which, had it been successful, would have occasioned 
an immense bloodshed. He endeavoured to persuade his 
countrymen of the propriety of awaiting the arrival of Gen, 
Washington and Count de Rochambeau, to whom it pro- 
perly belonged to direct an operation of so much impor- 
tance ; and whose added forces would ensure the conquest 
of the enemy without the sacrifice of so much blood. 

The attention of Count de Grasse, however, was soon 
called to another object. From the junction of the French 
and American armies to the commencement of their march 
to the Chesapeake, the movements of General Washington 
had been such as to leave no doubt on the mind of Sir Henry 
Clinton of his intention to attack New York, and thus to 
prevent any re-enforcements being sent to Cornwahis in Vir- 
ginia. Leaving a corps of 3,000 men under Gen. Heath, 
on the west of the Hudson, to protect West Poiiit and the 
northern states. General Washington, with the remainder of 
the American army and the French army, pursued his 
march, on the 21st, towards Philadelphia ; one column pass- 
ing through Chatham, Springfield, &;c., for the purpose of 
keeping up as long as possible, an appearance of threatening 
Staten Island,, or of marching round to Sandy Hook to fa- 



184 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

cilitate the entrance of the French fleet into the harbour. 
It was not until after these movements that Sir Henry Clin- 
ton was undeceived. Admiral Hood, with a British squad- 
ron from the West Indies, having arrived off New York, 
joined Admiral Graves, and proceeded with all speed for the 
Chesapeake. They arrived off the Chesapeake Bay on the 
5th of September. Count de Grasse, with a large portion 
of his fleet, immediately went out to meet them ; and having 
dispersed the enemy's vessels, returned to the Chesapeake 
on the 14th of September. In the mean time. Count de 
Barras, with the French squadron from Newport, had for- 
tunately arrived in the bay, having captured two of the 
enemy's frigates. The same day General Washington had 
arrived at Williamsburg. He had, accompanied by Count 
de Rochambeau, preceded the army, which moved slowly, 
for the want of requisite means of conveyance by water, 
and was then at the Head of Elk and at Annapolis. On 
the 17th, accompanied by Count de Rochambeau, Chevalier 
de Chastellux, Gen. Knox and Gen. Duportail, he proceeded 
to Cape Henry, and had an interview, on board of one of 
the French vessels, with Admiral de Grasse. On the 23d, 
he wrote to the President of Congress, " I am happy to in- 
form Congress, that I found the French admiral disposed in 
the best manner to give us all the assistance in his power, 
and perfectly to co-operate with me in our present attempt." 
The same day, however, the admiral wrote to him, that in 
consequence of certain intelligence from the West Indies, 
he was disposed to depart immediately to sea, leaving only 
two vessels, and the troops of St. Simon. At Washington's 
request, Lafayette forthwith repaired to the admiral, with a 
letter, representing to him the importance of his remaining, 
and saying, in conclusion ; " The Marquis de Lafayette, 
who does me the honour to bear this to your excellency, will 
explain many particularities of our situation, which could 
not well be comprised in a letter. His candour and abilities 
are well known to you, and entitle him to the fullest confi- 
dence in treating of the most important interests." 

Happily, Lafayette succeeded in his mission. The count, 
with feelings highly honourable to him, yielded his own 
plans, and entered fully into those of the siege. The French 
and American armies, arriving by land and water, formed 
a junction with tho&e of Lafayette and St. Simon at Wil- 



tlPE OF LAFAYETTE. 185 

liaffisbufgh, on the 27th of September. On the next day, 
they marched to the investment ofYorktown, and that me- 
morable siege was begun. Lafayette was no longer the 
Commander-in-chief of the army of Virginia. Gen. Wash- 
ington took command in person and directed the siege. 
Count Rochambeau commanded the French, including the 
corps of St. Simon. One division of the American forces, 
including his brave army of Virginia, and two additional 
battalions of light infantry under Col. Hamilton, were pla- 
ced under Lafayette, and the other division under Major 
General Lincoln, who had conducted the army from the 
north. The progress of the siege is thus stated by Count 
de Rochambeau in his Memoirs : 

" On the 38th of September we left Williamsburg at day-break and 
advanced to York. I began with the French corps to invest it from 
York River to the marsh, near the house of Colonel Nelson, taking ad- 
vantage of the woods, the rideaux, and the marshy creeks, so as to 
confine the enemy to within pistol-shot of their wOrks. The three 
French brigades were encamped very near, but covered by the ground 
from the enemy's cannon. Viomesnil commanded the grenadiers and 
chasseurs of the vanguard, and our investing was effected without the 
loss of a single man. The same day general Washington, at the head 
of the American corps, was obliged to double behind us, and to stop 
on the marshes, all the bridges over which were broken down. He 
employed the rest of the day and the night in repairing them. On 
the 29th the American army passed the marsh on which its left was 
posted, and its right on York River. The investing of the place was 
complete, and as close as possible. The infantry of Lauzun having 
landed, mafched under its colonel to join its cavalry, which I had 
sent by way of Tarre on the road to Gloucester, under the command 
of Brigadier-General Voneden, who commanded a corps of American 
militia. All the legion was united there on the SSth, the day on- 
which York was invested. 

" On the 30th we had sent M. de Choisy to M. de Grasse to ask 
of him a detachment of the crews of his ships to re-enforce M. de 
Lauzun in the county of Gloucester. M. de Grasse gave him eight 
hundred men. On the 3d of October M. de Ghoisy went forward to 
invest Gloucester and take up a nearer position. Tarleton was on 
the spot with 400 cavalry and 200 infantry to^ forage. The legion 
df Lauzun, supported by a corps of American militia, attacked this 
detachment so impetuously that it broke it and obliged it to return into 
the place, with some loss. M. de Choisy, after this action, pushed 
his advanced posts within a mile of Gloucester. 

" The trenches were opened in the two attacks above and below 
York River, in the night of the 6th of October. That on the right 
was six or seven hundred toises in extent, and was flanked by four 
redoubts. It was made without any loss, because we began the work 
with that on the left, which, though it was only a false attack, 3,%^ 

16* 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

traded all the attention of the enemy. The strength of the Englisli 
army which was invested, the character of the general who com- 
manded it, obliged us to conduct all these attacks with great order 
and precaution. This is the proper place to give due praise to MM. 
Portail and de Querenet, who conducted this siege at the head of the 
engineers, and to M. d'Aboville, and to General Knox commanding 
the artillery of the two nations. The American army took charge 
of the right of the trenches, the French of the centre and of the left. 

" I must do the Americans the justice to say, that they behaved 
with a degree of zeal, courage, and emulation, which never left them 
behind in all that they had undertaken, though they were unac- 
quainted with the operations of a siege. 

" We set fire by our batteries to one of the enemy's men-of-war 
and to three transports, which had cast anchor, with the intention of 
taking our attacks in the rear. 

*' In the night of the 14th the trenches having been relieved by the 
regiments of Gatinais and Royal-Deux-Ponts, under the command 
of Baron Viomcsnil, we resolved on the attack of the two redoubts 
on the enemy's left. General Washington appointed Lafayette ta 
that on the right, and I appointed M. de Viomesnil to that on the 
left with the French. Four hundred grenadiers debouched at the 
head of this attack, under the command of Count William de Deux- 
Fonts and of M. de I'Estrapade, lieutenant-colonel of the regiment of 
Gatinais. MM. de Viomesnil and Lafayette made so impetuous an 
attack that the redoubts were carried, sword in hand, at the same mo- 
ment. The greater part of the men in them were killed, wounded, 
or taken prisoners. A lodgment was made by joining these redoubts 
by a communication to the right of our second parallel, the ground 
on which they stood affording means of erecting new batteries which 
completed the blockade of the army of Cornwallis, and threw balls 
^ ricochet into the whole of the interiour of the place, at a distance 
which could not fail to do much damage. The Count des Deux-Ponts 
was wounded, and also Charles de Lameth, the adjutant-general, and 
M. de Gimat, aid-de-camp to Lafayette." 

[Lafayette relates, that previous to the assault on the re« 
doubts being commenced, the Baron de Viomesnil had ex- 
pressed, in a somewhat boastful manner, the opinion he had 
of the superiority of the French in an attack of that kind s 
Lafayette, a little piqued at this seeming reflection upon the 
Americans, replied : " We are but young soldiers, and have 
but one sort of tactick on such occasions, which is, to dis» 
charge our muskets, and push on straight with the bayon- 
et." He then led on the American troops, of whom he 
gave the command to Col. Hamilton, with the Colonels 
Laurens and Gimat under him. The American troops car- 
ried the redoubt in a very few minutes at the point of the 
bayonet. As the enemy's firing continued in the redoubt, as- 
sailed by the French, Lafayette sent an aid-^de-camp to the. 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 189 

Baron, to tell him that he (Lafayette,) had carried his re- 
doubt, and to ask, whether, he (Viomesnil,) did not require 
aid from the Americans ? " Tell Lafayette," said Viomesnil, 
" that I have not yet carried my redoubt, but shall do so ia 
five minutes." He made his words good.] 

" In the night of the 15th the enemy made a sally with 800 chosen 
!men. He met with resistance at all our redoubts, and took possession 
of a battery of the second parallel, where he spiked four guns. The 
Chevalier de Chastellux marched against the enemy with his reserve, 
and repulsed this sally. The four guns being badly spiked, were ren- 
dered serviceable six hours afterwards by the care of General d'Abo- 
ville, commander of our artillery. The Marquis de St. Simon was 
wounded in the trenches on the following day, and not wishing to be 
relieved, finished his twenty-four hours of duty. 

" At last, on the 17th, the enemy commenced a parley, and the ca- 
pitulation was signed on the 19th of October, by which Lord Cornwal- 
lis and his army were made prisoners of war. The Americans and 
French took possession at noon of two bastions. The garrison de- 
filed at two o'clock between the two armies, with drums beating, 
carrying their arms, which they afterwards piled with twenty pair of 
colours. Lord Cornwallis being ill, General O'Hara defiled at the 
head of the garrison. When he came up he presented his sword to 
me. I pointed to General Washington, who was opposite me at the 
head of the American army, and told him that the French army be- 
ing auxiliaries on the continent, it was the American general who 
was to signify his orders to him. 

" Colonel Laurens, Viscount Noailles, and M. de Granchain had 
been appointed by their respective generals to draw up the articles of 
hi s capitulation, together with some superiour ofliicers of the army of 
tLord Cornwallis. It was signed by General Washington, the Count 
de Rochambeau, and M. de Barras, as representative of Count de 
Grasse, and immediately carried into execution. We found 8,000 
prisoners, of whom 7,000 were regular troops, and 1,000 sailors ; 
214 pieces of cannon, of which 75 were of brass, and 22 pair of col- 
ours. Among the prisoners there were at least 2,000, in the hospitals, 
of whom the greatest care was taken. All the rest were sent into the 
interiour of the country c" 

Count Dumas, who conducted the capitulation on the 
part of the French general, states i " The garrison defiled 
between the two lines, beyond which I caused them to form 
in order of battle, and pile their arms. The English offi- 
cers manifested the most bitter mortification, and I remem- 
ber that Colonel Abercrombie, of the English guards, (the 
same who afterwards perished in Egypt, on the field of 
battle, where he had just triumphed,) at the moment when 
his troops laid down their arms, withdrew rapidly, covering 
his face and biting his sword." It was indeed a result hu- 



190 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

miliating to British pride ; and the officers sought to evade 
the consciousness of rebel triumph, by ungenerous reflections 
upon the American officers, and professions of respect for 
the French. CornwaHis had undoubtedly affected indispo- 
sition, that he might not surrender at the head of his troops. 
Generals Washington, Rochambeau, and Lafayette, sent 
their aids-de-camp to present him their compliments. He 
detained the aid-de-camp of Lafayette, Major Washington, 
nephew of the general, and expressed his anxiety to explain 
in person to the general who had so gallantly opposed him 
during the campaign, that he had only surrendered when de- 
fence was no longer possible. The next day Lafayette 
called to see him. "I know," said CornwaHis, "your hu- 
manity towards prisoners, and I recommend my poor army 
to you." This was said in a tone and manner which im- 
plied that he had confidence in Lafayette alone, and not in 
the Americans. Lafayette therefore replied with spirit : 
" You know, my lord, that the Americans have always been 
humane towards captured armies" — -alluding more particu- 
larly to the case of Burgoyne's army, captured at Saratoga. 
Indeed, CornwaHis, who was a brave and able officer, and 
greatly pained at his misfortune, was treated by General 
Washington, and the French and American officers, with 
the greatest kindness and respect ; and a like treatment 
vi^as extended to all of the prisoners. Lafayette, partici- 
pating in these acts of generosity, and alive to the honour of 
the Americans, would suffer no imputations to be cast upon 
them, unrepelled. General O'Hara having remarked one 
day at table, to the French generals, affecting to speak so 
that Lafayette could not hear him, that he considered it as 
fortunate not to have been taken by the Americans alone, 
" General O'Hara, probably," replied Lafayette, " does not 
like repetitions." He had been captured with Burgoyne, 
and was afterwards taken for the third time, by the French 
at Toulon. 

The news of the capitulation at Yorktown, flew upon the 
wings of the wind, and occasioned joy to the hearts of all who 
were friendly to the American cause. It was conveyed to 
France, by a French frigate, in the short passage of eigh- 
teen days. In England, it occasioned consternation to the 
war advocates, and caused the downfall of Lord North's 
ministry. The wa}^ was thus prepared to an honourable 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 191 

peace for the American people, with the acknowledgment 
of their independence as its basis. 

But this decisive event did not relax the vigilance of 
Washington and Lafayette. They wished to make " assu- 
rance doubly sure," by striking a blow upon the enemy 
further south. It was proposed that Lafayette, with two 
thousand Americans, and St. Simon's corps of French, 
should be conveyed by the squadron of Count de Grasse, to 
secure the capture of Charleston, and co-operate with Gen. 
Greene, who commanded there, in driving the enemy from 
the Carolinas. But the Count de Grasse, anxious to return 
to the West Indies, and restricted by his instructions, refu- 
sed all co-operation, although Lafayette held frequent and 
earnest interviews with him, to endeavour to induce him at 
least to detach a part of his vessels to convey re-enforce- 
ments to Gen. Greene. When Lafayette, returning from 
his last visit to the admiral, landed at Yorktown, Lord 
Cornwallis, who was still there, remarked to some officers, 
" I will lay a bet he has been making arrangements for our 
ruin at Charleston !" 

Active military operations for the season were at an end. 
The American army, with the exception of two thousand 
men, who were detached to re-enforce Gen. Greene in the 
south, returned to winter quarters near the banks of the 
Hudson. The French army remained in Virginia until 
the following summer. Lafayette resolved to visit once 
more his native land. Added to the natural desire of see- 
ing his family and friends, he cherished the purpose of 
procuring from the French government further and sub» 
stantial aid to America, and more particularly to urge 
a powerful naval co-operation, for the ensuing cam» 
paign, in case an honourable peace should not previ- 
ously be concluded. On the point of leaving Yorktownj 
he took leave, in a general order, of his brave corps 
of infantry, with whom he had undergone so many perils, and 
achieved such glorious results. " In the moment (he said) 
the major-general leaves this place, he wishes once more to 
express his gratitude to the brave corps of light infantry, 
who for nine months past have been the companions of his 
fortunes. He will never forget that with them alone, of reg- 
ular troops, he had the good fortune to manoeuvre before 



192 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

an army which, after all its reductions, is still six times su- 
periour to the regular force he had at that time." 

Repairing to Philadelphia, a formal leave of absence was 
granted to him by Congress ; and it was resolved, (Novem- 
ber 23d, 1781,) "that Major-General the Marquis de Lafay- 
ette be informed that, on a review of his conduct throughout 
the past campaign, and particularly during the period in 
which he had the chief command in Virginia, the many new 
proofs which present themselves of his zealous attachment 
to the cause he has espoused, and of his judgement, vigi- 
lance, gallantry and address in its office, have greatly added 
to the high opinion entertained by Congress of his merit and 
military talents." It was also resolved, " That the secre- 
tary of foreign affairs acquaint the ministers plenipotentiary 
of the United States, that it is the desire of Congress that 
they confer with the Marquis de Lafayette^ and avail them- 
selves of his information relative to the situation of publick 
affairs in the United States." And that he " further ac- 
quaint the minister plenipotentiary at the court of Versailles, 
that he will conform to the intention of Congress, by con- 
sulting with and employing the assistance of the Marquis de 
Lafayette in accelerating the supplies, which may be afford- 
ed by his most Christian Majesty for the use of the United 
States." Congress also wrote by him a letter to the king 
of France, in which Lafayette was warmly recommended to 
the favour of his sovereign. 

Thus honoured and commissioned by Congress, Lafayette 
repaired to Boston, where the American frigate Alliance, 
the same in which he had embarked on his former voyage, 
was in readiness, by order of Congress, to convey him to 
France. 

In the mean time, the conduct of Lafayette in Virginia 
had called forth the warm approbation of his own govern- 
ment. The minister of war. Count de Segur, wrote to him 
as follows : 

" December 5th, 1781. 

" The king, sir, having been informed of the military talents of 
which you have given such multiplied proofs whilst commanding the 
different corps of the army that has been confided to you in the United 
States ; of the wisdom and prudence that have guided you in the vari- 
ous decisions you were called upon to take respecting the interests of 
the United States; and of the great confidence with which you have 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 193 

inspired General Washington ; his Majesty has desired me to tell 
you, that the praises you hare so justly merited on such various 
occasions have fixed his attention, and that your conduct and suc- 
cesses have made him, sir, conceive the most favourable opinion of 
you; such a one as you might yourself dt sire, and from which you 
may depend on his future kindness. His Majesty, in order to give 
you a very flattering and peculiar mark of this intention, renews to 
you the rank of field-marshal in his armies, which you are to enjoy 
as soon as the American war shall be terminated, at which period you 
will quit the service of the United States to re-enter that of his Majes^ 
ty. In virtue of this decision, sir, you may be considered as field- 
marshal from the date of the signature of the capitulation, after the 
siege of Yorktown, by General Cornwallis, the 19th October, of this 
year, on account of your fulfilling at that time the functions belonging 
to that rank in the troops of the United States of America." 

His good friend, and the friend of America, Count de Ver- 
gennes, also congratulated him (Lafayette) on the occasion : 

" We have learned with great pleasure, (said the count,) that, not*. 
withstanding you have not had the direction in chief of this grand 
operation, [the siege of Yorktown,] yet your prudent conduct and 
preliminary manoeuvres prepared the way for success. I followed 
you step by step through your whole campaign in Virginia, and should 
often have trembled for you, if I had not been confident in your wis^ 
dom. It requires no common ability and skill to enable a man to 
sustain himself as you have done, and during so long a lime, before 
such a general as Lord Cornwallis, who is lauded for his talents in 
war : and this, too, with a great disproportion in your forces. It was 
you, who conducted him to his fatal destination, where, instead of 
making you prisoner, as he had predicted, he was reduced to the ne- 
cessity of surrendering himself in that character." 

Previous to Lafayette's departure. General Washington, 
who had been detained by family affairs in Virginia, bade 
him farewell, by letter, in which he gave a detailed opinion, 
for Lafayette's guidance in France, respecting the opera- 
tions of the next campaign. " I owe it (he said) to your 
friendship, and to my affectionate regard for you, my dear 
marquis, not to let you leave this country without carrying 
with you fresh marks of my attachment to you, and new 
expressions of the high sense I entertain of your military 
conduct, and other important services in the course of the 
last campaii^n, although the latter are too well known to 
need the testimony of my approbation ; and the former, I 
persuade myself you believe, is too well rivited to undergo 
diminution or change. * * * If I should be 
deprived of the pleasure of a personal interview with you 
before your departure, permit me to adopt this metliod of 

17 



194 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. 

making you a tender of my ardent vows for a propitious 
voyage, a gracious reception from your prince, an honour- 
able reward for your services, a happy meeting with your 
lady and friends, and a safe return in the spring, to, my 
dear marquis, your affectionate friend," &;c. 

On board of the Alliance, off Boston, December 21st, La- 
fayette wrote to Gen. Washington, repeating his devotion 
to the affairs of America, acknowledging the kind attention 
he had received in Boston, and concluding as follows : " I 
beg your pardon, my dear general, for giving you so much 
trouble in reading my scrawls ; but we are going to sail, 
and my last adieu, I must dedicate to my beloved general. 
Adieu, my dear general : I know your heart so well, that I 
am sure that no distance can alter your attachment to me. 
With the same candour, I assure you that my love, my re- 
spect, my gratitude for you, are above expression ; that at 
the moment of leaving you, I feel more than ever the strength 
of those friendly ties that for ever bind me to you, and that 
I anticipate the pleasure, the most wished for pleasure, to be 
again with you, and, by my zeal and services, to gratify the 
feelings of my respect and affection." 

Here, although it was his intention to return as a combat- 
ant, should hostilities continue, honourably and gloriously 
terminated the military services of Lafayette in America. 
To these services, justice has scarcely been done by any 
writer by whom the history of that period has been record- 
ed. Gen. Henry Lee, in his Memoirs of the War in the 
Southern States, passes the following just encomium upon 
the conduct of Lafayette, during the most difficult portion of 
the campaign in Virginia : " In this period of gloom, of 
disorder and peril, Lafayette was collected and undismayed. 
With zeal, with courage, and with sagacity, he discharged 
his arduous duties ; and throughout his difficult retreat, was 
never brought even to array but once in order of battle. 
Invigorating our councils by his precepts ; dispelling our 
despondency by his example, and encouraging his troops to 
submit to their many privations, by the cheerfulness with 
which he participated in their wants ; he imparted the en- 
ergy of his ov/n mind to the country, and infused his high- 
toned spirit into the army." Mr. Madison paid at that 
time his just tribute to Lafayette, in a letter to Edmund 
Pendleton, dated November 13, 1781. " Will not the as» 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 195 

sembly (he wrote) pay some handsome compliment to the 
marquis, for his judicious and zealous services while the 
protection of the country was intrusted to him ? His hav- 
ing baffled, and finally reduced to the defensive, so powerful 
an army as we now know he had to contend with, and with 
so disproportionate a force, would have done honour to the 
most veteran officer, and added to his other merits and ser- 
vices, constitutes a claim on their gratitude, which I hope 
will not be unattended to." 

Indeed, throughout the whole of the Virginia campaign, 
Lafayette exhibited a zeal and patriotism of the highest andi 
purest order ; and traits of generalship, combining valour- 
and discretion, which have not been surpassed by any gen- 
eral of a similar age, under similar circumstances. Let us- 
recall to mind a young man, scarcely twenty-four years of 
age, the commander-in-chief of a skeleton army, by which 
he is known and regarded as a foreigner, in birth, in man- 
ners and in language ! See him, confronting a suffering 
and mutinous soldiery ; reconciling them to their condition ; 
feeding and clothing them at his own expense ; inspiring 
them, with a spirit of ardour, and leading them onward, far 
from their homes, to encounter perils and death, in a distant 
and sickly climate ! Behold him, baffling the skill and en- 
ergies of the most experienced English generals — advancing 
and retreating, in the face of the enemy ; eluding the vigi. 
lance of his pursuers, and outmanoeuvring and outflanking 
a more numerous and disciplined army. Behold him, turn- 
ing the tide of pursuit, successfully skirmishing, and skilfully 
avoiding engagements at unpropitious periods ; and allu- 
ring and compelling his adversary into the very position 
which he desired, as most favourable to his ultimate pur- 
pose ! Behold him, no longer in chief command, exhibiting 
the same unexampled courage and skill in a subordinate 
station, carrying at the point of the bayonet a formidable 
redoubt of the enemy, and essentially contributing to a victo- 
ry, the results of which are more important than those of any 
other that the civilized world has witnessed ! What eulo- 
giums can be bestowed by freemen, upon such a champion 
of their rights and liberties, which are not fully merited ? 
What adequate returns can be rendered for such services, 
by those who are the recipients of the benefits secured ? 



196 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 



CHAPTER XX. 

Lafayette received with enthusiasm in France — His continued devo- 
tion to the American cause — Letters of Washington — Approbatory 
resolutions of Virginia— Negotiations for peace — Formidable pre- 
parations for a new campaign — The treaty finally signed — Lafay- 
ette sends the ship Triumph to America, with the first news of peace 
— Deterred from accompanying it, by diplomatick difficulties at 
Madrid — Repairs to that city, and procures the acknowledgment 
by Spain of M. Carmichael — Desire and intention of revisiting 
America — Invitation to General Washington — Madame Lafayette 
unites in it — Washington's letter to Madame Lafayette — Lafayette 
embarks for, and arrives in, America — His reception— Meeting with 
Gen. Washington — Return to the north — Liberality to Matthew 
Carey — Ascends the Hudson — Is present at an Indian treaty — Re- 
turns to the south — Reception by the Legislature of Virginia — Reso- 
lution and address of Congress — Lafayette's reply — Affectionate 
farewell letter from Gen. Washington — Embarks from New York — 
Arrives safely in France. 

The reception of Lafayette in France was not less enthu- 
sia&tiek than it had been,, at his previous return. By the 
people, he was regarded as the disinterested and successful 
champion of liberty ; and by the king and court, as a hero, 
who had sustained abroad the honour of France, and spread 
throughout the new world the glory of her name. Could 
we penetrate the veil of the domestick sanctuary, what joy 
should we see depicted there 1 An affectionate wife, who 
for years had resigned a beloved husband to the perils of 
the tented field, and in a distant land — children, who had 
been taught to lisp the name of a father, whom their eyes 
had scarce ever beheld — are restored to the fond embraces 
of that husband and father, under the most honourable 
auspices, and the most genial influences. The pride of the 
human heart is never more justifiably indulged, than when 
it sympathises with the honourable renown of a beloved ob- 
ject. In a journey which he made, accompanied by Ma- 
dame Lafayette and his children, to his estates in Touraine,, 
Lafayette was every where greeted by the people and by the 
publick authorities, with enthusiastick applause and civick 
honours. The bells were rung and processions formed,, to 



MFE OF LAFAt^ETTE. I0T 

welcome his approach to the towns, and " Long live La- 
fayette," resounded from the crowds which assembled to be- 
hold liim. 

But these gratifying manifestations by his warm hearted 
countrymen, did not divert the attention of Lafayette from 
the cause of America. He kept himself well advised of the 
state of affairs on the one side of the Atlantick, while he was 
busily employed on the other, in urging forward measures for 
a vigorous co-operation by the French government, should 
another campaign be necessary to secure an honourable 
peace. In a letter of January 4th, (1782,) Gen. Washing- 
ton informed him of the intentions of Congress to keep up 
the army, and urged the importance of procuring further 
pecuniary aid, and a naval superiority on the coast, from 
France, for the ensuing campaign. In the same letter he 
said : "I shall be impatient to hear of your safe arrival in 
France, and to receive such communications as you know 
will be interesting to the cause we espouse, and in which 
we are actors. Though unknown to Madame de Lafayette, 
I beg you to present me to her as one of her greatest admi. 
rers " General Washington also enclosed to Lafayette the 
resolutions of the Legislature of Virginia, highly approving 
of his conduct during the late campaign in that state ; and 
added : " I have a peculiar pleasure of becoming the chan- 
nel through which the just and grateful plaudits of my na-- 
tive state are communicated to the man I love." 

But the British government, after the dissolution of the 
North ministry, soon manifested a disposition for peace. 
Secret and separate advances were at first made to the' 
American commissioners and to the French government;: 
and it is to their honour, that neither would listen to propo- 
sitions in which both nations were not reciprocally inclu- 
ded. In the spring of 1782^ the enemy gave indications of 
an intention to withdraw their forces from the American 
continent, and to concentrate them in the West Indies, for 
a vigorous prosecution of the war against France and Spain 
in that quarter. The instructions of Sir Guy Carleton, 
who superseded Sir Henry Clinton as commander of the 
British army in America, early in May, were conciliatory 
in their character ; and the spirit of them was manifested in 
his intercourse and correspondence with the American au- 
thorities and people. But it was not until the month of 

17* 



198 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

July that negotiations for peace were formally eommenced 
at Paris, upon a basis which justified and produced a partial 
cessation of hostilities. In the mean time, a powerful ar- 
mament was in preparation by France and Spain, and the 
joint forces were assembling at Cadiz. The Count de Es- 
taing, commander of the land and naval forces, was, in case 
ofthecontinuanceofhostilities, to attack Jamaica with sixty 
vessels and twenty.four thousand men ; Lafayette, who had 
conducted eight thousand French troops from Brest to Ca- 
diz, was appointed chief of the staff of the combined armies. 
After operating in the West Indies, the expedition was ulti- 
mately to proceed to New York ; and, if circumstances jus- 
tified, Lafayette was to have conducted an expedition against 
Canada. These formidable preparations quickened the pa- 
eifick disposition of the English cabinet ; and the final 
treaty of peace was signed at Paris, on the 20th of Janua- 
ry, 1783. Lafayette was the first to announce this joyful 
event to America ; and for this purpose he despatched the 
Triumph, a French armed vessel from Count de Es- 
taing's squadron at Cadiz, which arrived at Philadelphia on 
the 23d of March, with the following letter from Lafayette 
to the President of Congress : 

" Cadiz, 5 February, 1783. 
" Sir — Having been at some pains to engage a vessel to go to 
Philadelphia, I now find myself happily relieved by the kindness of 
Count D'Estaing. He is just now pleased to tell me, that he will 
dispatch a French ship, and, by way of compliment on the occasion, 
he has made choice of the Triumph. So that I am not without hopes 
of giving Congress the first tidings of a general peace ; and I am hap- 
py in the smallest opportunity of doing any thing, that may prove a 
agreeable to America. I have the honour to be, &c. 

" Lafayette." 

Lafayette was desirous of bearing in person, to the shores 
of America, the glad tidings of an event which restored to 
it an honourable peace, established its freedom, and elevated 
it to the rank of an independent nation. He was desirous 
of uniting, with heart and voice, in the first outpourings of 
national joy and gratitude, by a free people, whose toils and 
dangers he had shared, whose battles he had fought, and to 
whose welfare he was so ardently devoted. But, a faithful 
regard to its interests, a determination to sustain its national 
character, as he had done its liberty and independence, in* 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 199 

duced him to forego the personal gratification of an imme- 
diate journey to America. We have seen, that on his de- 
parture for France, Lafayette was commissioned by Con- 
gress to confer with and aid the diplomatick agents of the 
United States in their negotiations. The King of Spain, 
from some capricious views, after having signed the treaty 
of peace which acknowledged the independence of the Uni- 
ted States, refused to receive Mr. Carmichael, who had been 
Secretary of Legation at Paris, and was appointed Charge 
d'Affaires at his court, in his diplomatick character. In this 
dilemma, Mr. Charmichael wrote from Madrid to Lafayette, 
who was then at Cadiz, for aid. Lafayette repaired imme- 
diately to Madrid ; had an interview with the king and his 
principal minister, and by his zeal and influence, procured 
in the course of eight days the full recognition of Mr. Car- 
michael as Charge d'Affaires of the United States. 

These new proofs of Lafayette's devotion to the interests 
of his adopted country, were promptly acknowledged by its 
constituted authorities : and, what was far more gratifying 
to him than any other testimonial, secured him the follow- 
ing expressions of cordial approbation from Gen. Washing- 
ton, in a letter dated April 5th : 

" It is easier for you to conceive, than for me to express, the sen- 
sibility of my heart at the communications of your letter of the 5th 
of February from Cadiz. It is to these communications we are in- 
debted for the only account yet received of a general pacification. 
My mind, upon the receipt of tliis intelligence, was instantly assailed 
by a thousand ideas, all of them contending for pre-eminence ; but, 
believe me, my dear friend, none could supplant, or ever will eradicate 
that gratitude, which has arisen from a lively sense of the conduct 
of your nation and from my obligations to many of its illustrious 
characters (of whom, I do not mean to flatter, when I place you at 
the head), and from my admiration of the virtues of your august sover- 
eign, who, at the same time that he stands confessed the father of his 
own people, and defender of American rights, has given the most ex- 
alted example of moderation in treating with his enemies." 
************** 

" The armament which was preparing at Cadiz, and in which you 
were to have acted a distinguished part, would have carried such 
conviction with it, that it is not to be wondered at, that Great Britain 
should have been impressed with the force of such reasoning. Ta 
this cause, I am persuaded, the peace is to bo ascribed. Your going 
to Madrid from thence, instead of coming immediately to this coun-^ 
try, is another instance, my dear Marquis, of your zeal for the Amer». 
ican cause, and lays a fresh claim to the gratitude of her sons, who. 
wUl at all times receive you with, open arms.? 



2t)0 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

Although necessarily occupied, after so long a neglect of 
them, with the arrangement of his private affairs, the soli- 
citations of Washington and others of his American friends, 
inspired Lafayette with the wish, and he cherished the de- 
sign, of speedily re-visiting America. The first moments 
of congratulation had passed — the fervour had subsided — • 
but Lafayette was nevertheless anxious of communing, upon 
their own free soil, with his friends and companions in 
arms, and of resigning into the hands of Congress the mili- 
tary commission with which he had been intrusted. He 
therefore announced to Gen. Washington and to Congress 
his intention of visiting the United States the ensuing 
spring. In the mean time he employed himself diligently 
and efficiently in aiding the commercial arrangements of 
the United States with the French government, and other 
continental powers. He also, in the most pressing and 
affectionate terms, invited Gen. Washington and Lady to 
visit him in France. Madame Lafayette united in this in- 
vitation, by an affectionate letter, addressed personally to 
General Washington. From the delightful shades of Mount 
Vernon, Gen. Washington replied, (April 4, 1784,) in a let- 
ter, kind and complimentary. As a rare specimen of the so- 
cial feelings of this great and good man, a few extracts from 
this letter will be acceptable to those readers for whom the 
topicks of war and politicks have not an absorbing interest : 

" Great as your claim is. (he wrote,) as a French or American 
woman, or as the wife of my amiable friend, to my affectionate re-- 
gards, you have others to which; the palm must be yielded. The 
charms of your person, and the beauties of your mind, have a more 
powerful operation. These, Madam, have endeared you to me, and 
every thing, which partakes of your nature, will have a claim to my 
affections. George and Virginia, the offspring of your love, whose 
names do honour to my couniry and to myself, have a double claim, 
and will be the objects of my vows. 

" Freed from the clangour of arms and the bustle of a camp, from- 
the cares of publick employment and the responsibility of office, I am 
now enjoying domestick ease under the shadow of my own vine and' 
my own fig-tree ; and, in a small villa, with the implements of hus- 
bandry and lambkins around me, I expect to glide gently down the 
stream of life, till I am entombed in the mansion of my fathers. 

" Mrs. Washington is- highly honoured by your participations, and 
feels very sensibly the force of your polite invitation to Paris ; but, 
she is too far advanced in life, and is too much immersed in the care 
of her little progeny, to cross the Atlantick. 1 his, my dear Marchiov 
Bess (indulge the freedom), is not the case with you. You have 
youth (and if you should not incline to bring your children, can leave 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 201 

them with all the advantages ©f education), and must have a curios- 
ity to see the country, young, rude, and uncultivated as it is, for the 
liberties of which your husband has fought, bled, and acquired much 
glory, where every body admires, every body loves him. Come, then, 
let me entreat you, and call my cottage your home ; for your own 
doors do not open to you with more readiness than' mine would. You 
will see the plain manner in which we live, and meet with rustick 
civility ; and you shall taste the simplicity of rural life. It will diver- 
sify the scene, and may give you a higher relish for the gayeties of the 
court, when you return to Versailles. In these wishes, and in most 
respectful compliments, Mrs. Washington joins me." 

With this kind invitation, however, Madame Lafayette 
could not comply ; and Lafayette was himself the bearer of 
her apology. He embarked at Havre, the first of July, and 
arrived at New York on the 4th of August. It was the first 
time Lafayette had entered the city of New York, the Brit. 
ish having held possession of it during the whole period of 
his military services in America. He had often viewed it, 
however, from the Jersey shore, and had ardently panted for 
an opportunity of wresting so fair a possession from the 
hands of the enemy. His reception there was most cordial, 
A publick dinner was given him the day after his arrival, at 
which the disbanded officers of the army appeared, once 
more in full uniform. From New York, Lafayette pro- 
ceeded to Philadelphia, where, by a numerous host of 
friends and the citizens generally, he was most enthusiasti- 
cally welcomed. A committee, consisting of Generals St. 
Clair, Wayne and Irwine, presented to him the congratula- 
tions of his companions in arms and the inhabitants generally. 
The legislature of the state, by a committee of one member 
from each county, presented to him an address, in which 
they said : " The representatives of the freemen of Penn- 
sylvania offer you their sincere congratulations upon your 
safe arrival at Philadelphia, and welcome you in the name 
of the state. Enjoying the blessings of liberty and peace, 
we contemplate with much satisfaction those distinguished 
persons who, disregarding the dangers of the seas, united 
their efforts to our own, to aid in terminating the war. 
Among these illustrious individuals, Vi'e rank you the chief; 
your example and your zeal have animated and encouraged 
our own citizens, nor did you leave us until we had attained 
the great object of all our hopes." 

Anxious to behold again his beloved general, Lafayette 



202 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

left Philadelphia on the 14th, and arrived at Mount Yernon 
on the 17th of August. Washington and Lafayette were 
once more together. It was a meeting, hallowed by earth 
and heaven. The purest of patriots, the sincerest of friends, 
the bravest and most successful of military commanders, 
mingled their congratulations upon the successful terminal 
lion of their toils, and the establishment of a nation's free^ 
dom. 

After enjoying for fourteen days the hospitalities of Mount 
Vernon, Lafayette returned to the north. While sojourning 
a few days in Philadelphia, he added to the numerous acts 
of private liberality, most of which, amounting in the ag- 
gregate to a large sum, must ever remain among the hidden 
treasures of time, one that has recently been made publick. 
Matthew Carey, since well known as an eminent bookseller 
and able writer, persecuted in L'eland for his political opin- 
ions, had just arrived in Philadelphia, poor and nearly pen- 
niless. Lafayette being accidentally informed of the fact, 
invited Mr. Carey to call upon him ; received him with 
kindness ; encouraged him in the project he contemplated 
of establishing a newspaper in Philadelphia, and a few days 
after sent him as a free gift, the liberal sum of four hundred 
dollars. For this act of sympathy and generosity, Lafay- 
ette never wished or expected to receive payment ; but Mr. 
Carey, who became a wealthy, as well as highly respectable 
and useful citizen, subsequently repaid him the full amount. 

From New York Lafayette ascended the Hudson River, 
and accompanied the commissioners to negotiate a treaty 
with the Indians at Fort Schuyler. His influence here was 
highly beneficial, as it had ever been in treating with the 
savage tribes. He made to the chiefs many presents ; and 
his name is still remembered among the Indians of the 
west. From thence he passed through the states of Con» 
necticutt, Rhode Island, New Hampshire, and Massachu- 
setts, to Boston ; and everywhere he was greeted by the 
people and by the publick authorities, with every proof of 
welcome, affection, and respect, and of gratitude for the im- 
mense services he had rendered to the country. At Boston, 
particularly, he was entertained by a numerous body of the 
Society of Cincinnati, comprising many of his companions 
in arms, who had contended for and established with him^ 
ihe Independence of America. From Boston he proceeded 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 203 

by water, in the French frigate Nymphe, to the Chesapeake 
Bay. He landed at Yorktown, and passed over the scenes 
of bis late military exploits, to Williamsburg and to Rich- 
mond. Here, on the 17th of November, he met with Gen. 
Washington, who had arrived two days previous. The Le- 
gislature of Virginia was then in session. Gen. Washing- 
ton had been congratulated by them on his arrival ; and 
immediately on learning the arrival of Lafayette, the House 
of Delegates adopted the following resolution : 

" The house being informed of the arrival, this morning, of the 
Marquis de Lafayette in this city, Resolved, nemine contradicente, 
that a committee of five be appointed,j^to present to him the affection- 
ate respects of this house, to signify to him their sensibility to the 
pleasing proof given by this visit to the United States, and to this 
state in particular, that the benevolent and honourable sentiments 
which originally prompted him to embark in the hazardous fortunes 
of America, still render the prosperity of its affairs an object of his 
attention and regard ; and to assure him, that they cannot review 
the scenes of blood and danger through which we have arrived at 
the blessings of peace, without being touched, in the most lively man« 
ner, with the recollection, not only of the invaluable services for 
which the United States at large are so much indebted to him, but of 
that conspicuous display of cool intrepidity and wise conduct, during 
his command in the campaign of 1781, which, by having so essen- 
tially served this state in particular, have given him so just a title to 
its particular acknowledgments. That, impressed as they thus are 
with the distinguished lustre of his character, they cannot form a 
wish more suitable, than that the lesson it affords may inspire all 
those whose noble minds may emulate his glory, to pursue it by 
means equally auspicious to the interests of humanity. 

" And a committee was appointed of Mr. Henry, Mr. Madison, 
Mr. Jones, (of King George,) Mr. Mathews, and Mr. Brent." 

To this address, Lafayette made the following polite and 
feeling answer : — 

" Gentlemen, — With the most respectful thanks to your honoura- 
ble body, permit me to acknowledge, not only the flattering favour 
they are now pleased to confer, but also the constant partiality, and 
unbounded confidence of this state, which in trying times, I have so 
happily experienced. Through the continent, gentlemen, it is most 
pleasing for me to join with my friends in mutual congratulations ; 
and I need not add what my sentiments must be in Virginia, where 
step by step have I so keenly felt for her distress, so eagerly enjoyed 
her recovery. Our armed force was obliged to retreat, but your pa- 
triotick hearts stood unshaken and while either at that period, or in 
our better hours, my obligations to you are numberless ; I am happy 
in this opportunity to observe, that the excellent services of your mi- 
litia were continued with unparalleled steadiness. Impressed with 



204 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

» 
the necessity of federal union, I was the more pleased in the corn., 
mand of an army so peculiarly federal ; as Virginia herself freely 
bled in defence of her sister states. 

" In my wishes to this commonwealth, gentlemen, I will persevere 
with the same zeal, that once and for ever has devoted me to her.— 
May her fertile soil rapidly increase her wealth — may all the waters 
which so luxuriently flow within her limits, be happy channels of the 
most extensive trade — and may she in her wisdom and the enjoyment 
of prosperity, continue to give the world unquestionable proofs of her 
philanthropy and her regard for the liberties of all mankind. 

" Lafayette." 

From Richmond, Lafayette returned with Gen. Wash- 
ington to Mount Vernon, where he remained about a week. 
From thence, Washington accompanied him to Annapolis, 
where publick honours were conferred upon him by the Le- 
gislature of Maryland, and he and his heirs male were de- 
clared citizens of the state ; the same privileges of citizen- 
ship were granted in Virginia, and in several other states 
of the Union. Here the two hero-friends parted, on the 
30th of November, never to meet again this side of the grave, 
Lafayette proceeded to Trenton, where Congress was then 
in session. A committee, consisting of one member from 
each state, was appointed by that body, to receive, and to 
take leave of, Lafayette, in the name of Congress. The 
committee was instructed to assure him, that Congress con- 
tinued to entertain the same high sense of his abilities and 
zeal to promote the welfare of America, both here and in Eu- 
rope, which they had frequently expressed and manifested on 
former occasions, and which the recent marks of his atten- 
tion to their commercial and other interests had perfectly 
confirmed : " That, as his uniform and unceasing attachment 
to this country has resembled that of a patriotick citizen, 
the United States regard him with particular affection, and 
will not cease to feel an interest in whatever may concern 
his honour and prosperity, and that their best and kindest 
wishes will always attend him." It was further resolved, 
" that a letter be written to his most Christian Majesty, to 
be signed by the President of Congress, expressive of the 
high sense which the United States, in Congress assembled, 
entertain of the zeal, talents, and meritorious services of 
the Marquis de Lafayette, and recommending him to the 
favour and patronage of his majesty." 

The next day, (December 10th,) the purport of these res- 



LliPfi OF LAFAVETTfi. 206 

olutions was communicated to Lafayette, in the Hall of 
Congress, with an appropriate address, by John Jay, Chair- 
man of the Committee. The reply of Lafayette, fervid and 
eloquent, breathing a spirit of devotion to the best interests 
of America, concluded as follows : " May this immense 
temple of freedom ever stand as a lesson to oppressors, an 
example to the oppressed, a sanctuary for the rights of man- 
kind ! and may these happy United States attain that com- 
plete splendour and prosperity which will illustrate the bles- 
sings of their government, and for ages to come rejoice the 
departed souls of their founders ! Never can Congress 
oblige me so much as when they put it in my power, in every 
part of the world, to the latest day of my life, to gratify the 
attachment which will ever rank me among the most zeal- 
ous and respectful servants of the United States." 

About the time that he thus took a solemn leave of Con- 
gress, Lafayette received the following affectionate and 
deeply impressive farewell letter from Gen. Washington : 

*' Mount Vernon, 8 December, 1784. 

" My dear Marquis— The peregrination of the day in which I part- 
ed from you ended at Marlborougli. Tlie next day, bad as it wa?, I 
got home before dinner. 

" In the moment of our separation, upon the road as I travelled, and 
every hour since, I have felt all that love, respect and attachment 
for you, with which length of years, close connexion, and your mer-- 
its have inspired me. I often asked myself, as our carriages separa- 
ted, whether that was the last sight I should ever have of you ? And 
though I wished to say No, my fears answered Yes. I called to 
mind the days of my youth, and found they had long since fled to 
return no more ; that I was now descending the hill I had been fifty- 
two years climbing, and that, though I was blest with a good con- 
stitution, I was of a short-lived family, and might soon expect to be 
entombed in the mansion of my fathers. These thoughts darkened 
the shades, and gave a gloom to the picture, and consequently to my 
prospect of seeing you again. But I will not repine ; I have had my 
day. **«**«** 

" It is unnecessary, I persuade myself, to repeat to you, my dear 
Marquis, the sincerity of my regards and friendship-; nor have I words 
which could express my affection for you, were I to attempt it. My 
fervent prayers are offered for your safe and pleasant passage, happy 
meeting with Madame de Lafayette and family, and the completion 
of every wish of your heart ; in all \Vhich Mrs. Washington joins me ; 
as she does in compliments to Captain Grandecheau, and the Chev- 
alier, of whom little Washington often speaks. With every senti- 
ment, which is propitious and endearing, I am, &c." 

Wiih these honours and benedictions, and reciprocating 

18 



206 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

in his heart every act and expression of kindness which had 
been bestowed upon him, Lafiiyette for the third time took 
leave of America. He embarked at New York, amidst a 
primitive national salute of thirteen guns, on board the 
Nymphe frigate, Dec. 25th, and arrived safely in Paris, on 
the 25th of January, 1785. 



CHAPTER XXL 

Lafayette^s official connexion with America terminates— He enters up* 
on another field of action — Continues to serve America— Visits the 
courts of Germany — Reception by the Emperour Joseph and Fred- 
erick the Great — His liberal principles confirmed — Plans for eman- 
cipating the blacks from slavery — Purchases an estate at Cayenne 
for that purpose— His views approved by Gen. Washington — Their 
nature and extent — For gradual, not sudden, emancipation — Fa- 
vours the French Protestants — The bust of Lafayette, presented by 
the State of Virginia, through Mr. Jefferson, to the municipality of 
Paris — Is placed, with imposing ceremonies, in the Hotel de Ville. 

Here closed the official connexion of Lafayette with 
America. We are now to trace his progress upon another 
— a more broad, and not less interesting and important, field 
of action. But although labouring as a Frenchman, to es- 
tablish free institutions, and the rational liberties of the peo- 
ple in France, Lafayette was not the less devoted to the in- 
terests of the young republick of the west, to the foundation 
of which he had so essentially contributed. After his return 
from the United States, he immediately exerted his influence 
to establish the commercial intercourse of the two countries 
upon reciprccar principles. He endeavoured especially to 
secure for the Americans a favourable market in France for 
what were at that time important items of their commerce* 
namely, whale oil, the production of the eastern fisheries, 
and tobacco, the growth of the southern states. These ser- 
vices v/ere acknowledged warmly and promptly, by Gen. 
Washington. In a letter to Lafayette, September 1, 1785, 
he said : " Your constant attention, and unwearied endeav- 
ours to serve the interests of the United States, cannot fail 
to keep alive in them a grateful sensibility, and the affec- 
tionate regard of all their citizens for you," 



LIFE OP LAFAYETTE, 20t 

During the year 1785, Lafayette visited the courts of 
Austria and Pnisssia, and other German states, with the 
principal object of inspecting the armies which were then 
assembling in that portion of Europe. His well-known re- 
publican principles did not prevent his being received, at ail 
the courts which he visited, with the greatest cordiality and 
distinction, particularly by the Emperour Joseph II, of 
Austria, and Frederick the Great, of Prussia. He arrived 
at Potsdam, in September, just as the last grand review of 
this distinguished monarch had commenced. Here were 
assembled 50,000 men, from every part of the kingdom, who 
for three successive days, in presence of a brilliant assem- 
blage of princes, noblemen, and distinguished military com- 
manders, went through the evolutions of battles, sieges and 
storms, under the immediate command of the king himself. 
No sooner was the arrival of Lafayette made known to 
Frederick, than he despatched an aid-de-camp to invite him 
to his palace. He treated Lafayette with great distinction 
and kindness, both in publick and private ; complimented 
him upon his services in America, and expressed admiration 
of Gen. Washington. When about to part, Frederick took 
from a box his miniature, set with diamonds, and presenting 
it to Lafayette, expressed the hope, that although they might 
never meet again, that small memento might sometimes re- 
call him to recollection. 

These distinctions, paid to Lafayette by the first mon- 
archs of Europe, were not more honourable to him than to 
them. Thev exhibited alike their discernment in recosfni- 
Sing, and their liberality in respecting, the merits of their 
guest. Lafayette gave a description of this tour, in letters 
to Gen. Washington and to Mr. Jay. But, gratifying as 
were the incidents of his journey, and grateful as he felt for 
the hospitalities he received, the splendid honours and dis- 
plays of royalty had no tendency to lessen the ardour of his 
liberal principles. He returned to France, fully confirmed 
in them, and with a determination to practise upon them, 
on all occasions, publick and private. 

While serving in America, Lafayette had conceived a 
plan for the gradual emancipation of the blacks from sla- 
very. Many of the American patriots, among whom were 
Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Patrick Henry, Laurens, 
(kcC,^ coincided with the views of Lafayette, and believed 



208 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

the object to be then practicable.. Simultaneously with the 
account of the conclusion of peace, Lafayette had commu- 
nicated to Gen. Washington a proposition for tlie accom- 
plishment of this object. We have not been able to meet 
with it ; but it is thus acknowledged by Gen. Washington, 
in his letter to Lafayette of 5th Aprils 1783 : " The scheme, 
my dear marquis, which you propose as a precedent to en- 
courage the emancipation of the blacks in this country from 
that state of bondage in which they are held, is a striking 
evidence of the benevolence of your heart. 1 shall be hap- 
py to join you in so laudable a work ; but will defer going 
into a detail of the business, until 1 have the pleasure of 
seeing 3'ou." 

Lafayette embraced the first opportunity of testing the 
practicability of his views upon the subject of negro eman- 
cipation ; and, unlike most reformers, commenced his ex- 
periment at home, and at his own expense. With the con- 
currence of Marshal de Castries, the Minister of Marines, 
he purchased an estate in the French colony of Cayenne, 
with a large number of slaves, and commenced, under the 
superintendence of a competent instructor, a system of dis- 
cipline and education, which was to be followed by their 
gradual emancipation. To this object Lafayette devoted a 
large sum of money, and with the Co-operation of several 
eminent patriots and philosophers, persevered in his plan, 
until the French revolution involved every thing in chaos. 
In 1792, when Lafayette was proscribed by the Terrorists, 
the National Convention confiscated all his property, and 
ordered his negroes at Cayenne to be sold, in spite of the 
remonstrances of Madame Lafayette, who protested against 
the sale, on the ground that the negroes had been purchased 
by Lafayette with the sole object of setting them at liberty 
after their instruction. Lafayette himself felt much anxi- 
ety on this subject. In an interesting letter to the Princess 
d'Henen, from the prison of Magdeburg, he said :, " I know 
not what disposition has been made of my plantation at 
Cayenne, but I hope that Madame Lafayette will take care 
that the negroes, who cultivate it, shall preserve their 
liberty." 

It may be interesting to the reader to know, that this 
experiment of Lafayette had also the approbation of Gen. 
Washington. In a letter of May 10, 1786, he said : " The 



£IPE of LAFAYETTE. 209 

benevolence of your heart, my dear marquis, is so conspicu- 
ous upon all occasions, that I never wonder at any fresh 
proofs of it ; but your late purchase of an estate in the col- 
ony of Cayenne, with a view of emancipating the slaves on 
it, is a generous and noble proof of your humanity. Would 
to God a like spirit might diffuse itself generally into the 
minds of the people of this country. Bat I despair of see- 
ing it. Some petitions were presented to the Assembly, at 
its last session, for the abolition of slavery, but they could 
scarcely obtain a reading. To set the slaves afloat at once 
would, I really believe, be productive of much inconvenience 
and mischief; but by degrees it certainly might, and as- 
suredly ought to be effected; and that too by legislative 
authority." 

Such were, substantially, the views of Lafayette himself. 
He would not restore the negroes at once to liberty, any 
more than he would restore a blind man suddenly to the 
full blaze of the meridian sun. He was for emancipating 
the slaves by degrees, in proportion as their moral and in- 
tellectual education rendered them capable of appreciating 
and properly enjoying freedom. Believing the plan prac- 
ticable, although surrounded with many difficulties, he con- 
sidered it the duty of the friends of liberty every where, to 
persevere in endeavouring to effect its accomplishment. 
Circumstances may have changed. The difficulties attend- 
ing such an experiment in this country may have increased. 
But although some may now dissent from the propriety or 
practicability of Lafayette's views, none will deny the purity 
of his principles or the philanthropy of his motives. 

Lafayette, at the same time, took an active interest in 
favour of the French Protestants. He was ever the friend 
of religious toleration. 

The same year (1786) Lafayette received a new token 
of gratitude from the people of Virginia, for the services he 
had rendered that state, no less honourable to them than 
complimentary to him. The legislature of Virginia direct- 
ed two busts of Lafayette to be executed at their expense, 
by the celebrated sculptor Houdon, one of them to be placed 
in the Legislative Hall of that state, and the other to be 
presented in their name to the municipal authorities of Paris. 
The proffer was made t^ the municipalitv by Mr. Jefferson^ 

18* 



210 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

then minister plenipotentiary of the United States iii 
France, in the following words :-— 

" The Legislature of the state of Virginia, in consideration of the 
^rvices of Major General the Marquis de Lafayette, has resolved to 
place his bust in their capitol. This intention of erecting a monu* 
ment to his virtues, and to the sentiments with which he has inspired 
them, in the country to which they are indebted for his birth, has in- 
duced a hope that the city of Paris would consent to become the de- 
pository of a second proof of their gratitude. Charged by the state 
with the execution of this resolution, I have the honour to solicit the 
Prevot des Marchands and Municipality of Paris to accept the bust 
of this brave officer, and give it a situation where it may continually, 
awaken the admiration, and witness the respect, of the allies of 
Fmnce.— Dated nth September, 1786." 

This honourable memento was accepted by the munici- 
pality, with the sanction of the king. Its reception was 
attended with ceremonies, publick and imposing, at which 
a large concourse of people were present. The king's at- 
torney delivered on the occasion an address, in which he 
recounted the services of Lafayette in America,, and the 
high estimation in which he was held in both countries. 
The bust was then placed in one of the publick halls, that 
of the celebrated Hotel de Ville, of the city of Paris. In. 
that hall, which soon became the theatre of so many im=. 
portant events, it served to enkindle the flame of Liberty^ 
and fell, when that light was extinguished, an unconscious- 
victim to the wrath of anarchy. The reception of this bust^ 
and the publick ceremonials which attended it, had no small 
influence in quickening the political events which followed ;, 
and constitute, at least in the life of Lafayette, the con- 
necting link between the American and French revolutionso 



1.IFE OF LAFAYETTE. 211 



CHAPTER XXII. 

The French Revolution — Its causes — Preliminary events — Louis XV! 
— Maurepas — Assembly of Notables — Lafayette a member of it — ■ 
His propositions for reform — The States General convened — Its 
character — Lafayette a deputy — Dissentions of the orders — The 
commons constitute themselves the National Assembly — The king 
sides with the privileged orders — Doors of the Assembly closed — 
The members repair to the Tennis Court — Take an oath — Last 
" bed of justice" — Speech of Mirabeau — Lafayette, with forty liberal 
nobles, joins the commons — The three orders unite — Lafayette pro- 
poses a Declaration of Rights — ^First insurrection in Paris — Lafay- 
ette Vice-President of the Assembly — Destruction of the Bastile — 
Deputation to the Hotel de Ville — Bailly chosen Mayor of Paris — ■ 
Lafayette commander of the civick guards — Receives the king in 
Paris — Organizes the National Guards — Institutes the tri-coloured 
cockade — His character and influence at this period — Endeavours 
to preserve tranquillity— Indignant at popular excesses — Threatens 
to resign — Persuaded to continue in command — Refuses compensa- 
tion for his services — Feudal privileges abolished — Declaration of 
rights adopted. 

The causes and events of the French revolution, have 
been traced by many and able pens. The subject is unex- 
hausted. We shall touch upon it as briefly as possible, in- 
separably connected as it is with the distinguished individ- 
ual whose Hfe we are recording. Through a long series of 
usurpations in France, the power of the king had become 
absolute. It was unrestrained and undefined by a written 
constitution or definite laws. The judicial and legislative 
bodies, exercised their functions by the will or sufferance of 
the monarch. The crown disposed of persons by letires-de- 
cachet, or warrants of imprisonment, by which the great 
prison of the Bastile, and other places of confinement, were 
from time to time filled with the victims of intolerance, 
avarice and revenge. It disposed of property by confisca- 
tion, and of income by arbitrary taxation. The Parliament 
of Paris, it is true, had the nominal privilege of consenting 
to or refusing an impost ; but the king, by what was termed 
*' a bed of justice," a convocation in- which he appeared in 
person and made known his willj under the established max- 



212 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

im, that in the presence of the king all other authorities 
were suspended, enforced a registration of the decree, and 
punished the refractory members by imprisonment or exile. 

"France, thus enslaved, (says Mignot) was also most 
wretchedly organized : the excesses of power were less in- 
supportable than their unequal distribution. Divided into- 
three orders, which were again subdivided into several 
classes, the nation was abandoned to all the evils of despot- 
ism, and all the miseries of inequality. The nobles were 
divided into courtiers who lived on the favours of the prince, 
or in other words, on the labours of the people ; and who 
obtained either the governments of the provinces, or high 
stations in the army, — -upstarts, who directed the adminis- 
tration, and were appointed to lieutenancies, and farmed 
the provinces ; lawyers, who administered justice, and mo- 
nopolized its appointments ; and territorial barons, who 
oppressed the country by the exercise of their private feudal 
privileges, which had displaced the general political rights. 
The clergy were divided into two classes, of which one was 
destined for the bishopricks and abbacies, and their rich rev- 
enues ; the others to apostolick labours and to poverty. The 
commons, borne down by the court, and harassed by the 
nobles, were themselves separated into corporations, which 
retaliated upon each other the evils and the oppression which 
they received from their superiours. They possessed scarce- 
ly a third part of the soil, upon which they were compelled 
to pay feudal services to their lords, tithes to the priests, and 
imposts to the king. In compensation for so many sacrifi- 
ces, they enjoyed no rights, had no share in the administra- 
tion, and were admitted to no publick employments." 

The profligacy and extravagance of the reigns of Louis 
XIV and XV, had awakened a portion of the French people 
to the sense of their condition. Men of genius and influ- 
ence had discussed the subject of publick affairs and the 
theory of governments, with freedom. When Louis XVI, 
therefore, succeeded to the throne, (^1774,) publick opinion, 
the most powerful of all sovereigns, had begun to assert its 
empire. He found the nation discontented, and the pecuni- 
ary resources of the crown exhausted. Louis XVI was by 
no means a natural tyrant. He regarded the interests of 
his subjects, and would willingly have restored them to ma- 
ny of their rights* But he clung to the prerogatives of the 



IiIFE OP LAFAYETTE. 213 

crown^ and vacillated between the love of power and the 
sense of justice. He might with truth have exclaimed : 

" I know the right, and I approve it too ; 
I know the wrong-, and yet the wrong pursue."^ 

He was, indeed, incapable of directing himself. His first ' 
prime minister, Maurepas, an experienced but selfish man, 
had, by the selection of ministers from the popular party, en- 
couraged at least the hope of reform. After his death, the 
queen succeeded him in the favour of the king, and exercised 
over that weak but amiable monarch, a controlling, and, in 
the sequel, a fatal influence. Marie Antoinette, young, beau, 
tiful, and ambitious, attached to the pleasures and preroga- 
tives of the court, assumed almost the entire direction of 
affairs. Ministers were appointed in accordance with her 
views ; measures of reform were abandoned ; profligacy 
and licentiousness were restored, and the revolution dates 
from this period. It was doubtless accelerated by the ex- 
ample of the American revolution, and the spirit of freedom 
which Lafa5^ette, Rochambeau, Chastellux, the Lameths, and 
other brave Frenchmen who had served with him in the Uni- 
ted States, cherished and diffused on their return to France. 

The embarrassed state of the finances called for immedi- 
ate action. All had been " wrung from the hard hand of 
industry" that it was capable of yielding. It was necessa- 
ry to appeal, by force or persuasion, to the privileged orders. 
The day for forcible exactions had gone by. In this emer- 
gency, the minister of finance, Colonne, proposed to con- 
vene an assembly, which was called the Assembly of the 
Notables. It was composed of distinguished members of 
the nobility, clergy and magistracy, with some of the most 
celebrated scientifick men and gentry — being,, in short, as 
its name imported, a representation of the aristocratick in- 
terests, to the exclusion of those of the people. They were 
appointed by the king. 

Lafayette was a member of this assembly. It convened 
in February, 1787. It was by no means as tractable as the 
minister, Colonne, had anticipated ; and united with the 
publick opinion, in requiring and accomplishing his removal. 
The Assembly consisted of one hundred and thirty-seven 
members, and was divided, for the purposes of deliberation, 
into seven sections or bureaux, over each of which presided 



214 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

a prince of the blood royal. Lafayette was allotted to the 
division over which Count d'Arlois, the younger brother of 
the king, and since Charles the Tenth, presided. Lafayette 
took at once a firm stand in favour of such reforms as 
were demanded by the rights and interest of the people. 
He proposed, 1. The suppression of lettres-de- cachet Sind all 
arbitrary imprisonment. 2. The establishment of religious 
toleration, and the restoration of the Protestants to their 
civil rights. 3. The convocation of a national assembly, 
representing the people of France. 

The Count d'Artois, president of the committee, was 
startled at this latter demand. " What !" said he, " do you 
make a. motion for the States-General ?" "Yes," replied 
Lafayette, " and for something more and better." " Then," 
said the prince, "you desire that I should take in writing, 
and report to the king, that the motion to convoke the States- 
General has been made by the Marquis de Lafayette ?" " I 
do," replied Lafayette, and the motion was reported to the 
king accordingly. 

The Assembly of Notables granted little for the relief of 
the government from its financial embarrassments. After 
approving the establishment of the provincial assemblies, a 
regulation in the corn trade, the suppression of corvees or 
feudal services, and a new tax on stamps, it dissolved itself 
into its original elements. An impulse was given by this 
assemblage to the assertion of the representative rights of 
the people. After a severe struggle with the parliament, to 
compel its registration of financial edicts ; its exile, the im- 
prisonment of some of its members, and popular commotions 
in the provinces, the king was at length compelled by pub- 
lick opinion, on the 8th of August, 1788, to convoke an as- 
semblage of the States -General for the fifth of May, 1789. 
The States-General was an extraordinary body, which 
had no regular existence. It was a creation of the royal 
prerogative, and had been convened on occasions of press- 
ing necessity, as the instrument of the royal will in procuring 
subsidies. It was composed of the three orders of the nation, 
the clergy, the nobles, and the tiers etat (third estate or com- 
mon people) ; in such numbers and proportions as the king, 
and such of his councils as he chose to consult, should de- 
termine. On this occasion, the States General were des- 
tined to be something more than the mere organs or echoes 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 215 

of the royal will. The friends of arbitrary power were desi- 
rous that the assemblage should be constituted and con- 
ducted as it had been in 1614, when it was last convened, 
and when the third estate or commons, were little more in 
numbers and in power, than a cipher. The friends of free- 
dom contended for such an organization as should recognize 
the rights of the people, and that the representatives chosen 
by the tiers etat, or commons, should equal in numbers those 
of the privileged orders, the nobles and clergy, united, 
" The tiers etat comprehended the great body of the nation, 
all the useful, industrious, enlightened classes. Although it 
owned but a small portion of the land, it wrought the whole ; 
and was therefore, it was contended, in reason and justice, 
entitled to a number of deputies equal to that of the two 
other orders." 

The king and court shrunk from the responsibility of de- 
ciding this question, according to their convictions of right. 
A new Assembly of Notables was convened. In this assem- 
bly, Lafayette advocated the double, or rather equal, repre- 
sentation of the people ; but the Notables, after a stormy 
session, decided against it. M. Necker, who had been re- 
stored to the station of minister of the finances, (premier, 
or first minister,) is supposed, under these circumstances, 
to have influenced that decision, which ought promptly to 
have been made in the first place, " The court, then, (states 
M. Thiers) taking, as it said, into consideration the opinion 
of the minority, the sentiments expressed by several prin- 
ces of the blood, the wishes of the three orders of Dau- 
phine, the demand of the provincial assemblies, the example 
of several countries of the kingdom, the opinion of various 
publick writers, and the recommendations contained in a 
great number of addresses — the court ordained that the total 
number of deputies should be at least a thousand; that it 
should be formed in a ratio composed of the population, and 
the amount of taxes paid by each haillage, or district, and 
that the number of the deputies of the tiers etat should be 
equal to that of the other two orders united." 

This concession gained, was an important step in the 
progress of revolution. It was followed promptly, on the 
meeting of the States General. Each order convened in a 
separate department, the tiers etat, as the most numerous, 
occupying the Hall of the States. A preliminary ques- 



216 LIFE OF LAFAYETTEo 

tioD, was, however, raised, which indicated, and finally led 
to, the merging of the three orders. The popular deputies 
insisted, that the nobles and clergy should meet them 
in their hall, for the purpose of examining and verifying 
the credentials. They justly contended, that although the 
orders should afterwards deliberate separately, as they had 
assembled as the representatives of the nation for common 
objects, each order, and each member, had a right to exam- 
ine the powers of the others, and therefore the verification 
should be in common. The privileged deputies^ on the 
other hand, contended, that the orders having a -distinct 
existence, the verification should be separate and distinct. 
They could not bear the thought, that the representatives 
of the common people should even for a moment "come be- 
tween the wind and their nobility." Their pertinacity in 
thus adhering to a non-essential point, hastened the final 
overthrow of their pretended privileges. 

Lafayette, as a deputy of the order of nobles, advocated 
the verification in common. From the 5th to the 27th of 
May, a majority of the two privileged orders obstinately 
resisted all appeals. The deputies of the commons, act- 
ing with firmness and discretion, after sending a last invita- 
tion to the clergy, a large proportion of whom were disposed 
to meet them, and after a vain effort of the king to bring 
about a compromise, resolved to proceed to a verification 
and to business, whether the deputies of the other orders 
were present or absent. 

This energetick measure was soon followed by one of a 
still more decisive character. The commons, on the 17th 
of June, constituted themselves a legislative body, under the 
title of the National Assembly. They expressed hopes, and 
renewed the invitation, that the absent deputies would join 
them, net merely for a verification of their powers, but, " to 
share with them," they said, " the series of important la- 
bours which were to accomplish the regeneration of France." 
The clergy, by a vote of 149 to 115, resolved to join the 
commons. 

The court and the privileged orders were alarmed at 
these energetick measures. The king, influenced by their 
efitreaties to counteracting efforts, contrary to the advice 
®f Necker, determined to meet the new assembly in royal 
sitting on the 22d of June, On repairing to the hall of th© 



LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. 21? 

States, on the morning of the 20th, the deputies found the 
doors closed, and surrounded by arnried soldiery, bv whom 
they were refused admittance. An order of the king ad» 
journed the sitting to the 22d. Bailly, the faithful Presi- 
dent of the Assembly, conceiving it his duty to obey that 
body, repaired with the deputies to the Tennis Court. — <- 
There, amidst dark and bare walls, without seats, the Pres- 
ident and members standing, surrounded by the populace, 
the Assembly resumed its deliberations. Amidst the cries 
of Vive VAssemhlee! Vive le Roy! from within and with- 
out the building, the following oath was adopted, and signed 
by all except one of the deputies : " You take a solemn oath^ 
never to separate, and to assemble whenever circumstances 
shall require, till the constitution of the kingdom is estab« 
lished and founded on a solid basis." 

This fearless and patriotick course of the Assembly, with 
the strong indications of popular feeling, were additional 
sources of irritation and alarm to the nobles. They re- 
paired next day in a body to the king, again to solicit his 
interposition. But the power of prerogative was already 
paralyzed ! Lafayette, with a noble minority of forty. seven 
members, composed of some of the most distinguished men 
of that period, opposed these humiliating proceedingSi 
They were for yielding promptly, to the just requisitions of 
'popular rights and the publick opinion. But their warnings 
were unheeded. Intrigue and dissimulation, not unmixed 
with fear, controlled the proceedings of the king and court. 
The royal sitting was postponed to the 23d. In the mean 
time efforts were made to prevent the meeting of the As- 
sembly on the 22d. The Tennis Court was hired by the 
princes, under the pretext of playing on that day. The 
Assembly repaired to a church, where, amidst manifesta- 
tions of popular enthusiasm, they were joined by a majority 
of the clerical deputies. 

The next day, the hall of the States, surrounded by a nu- 
merous guard, was opened to the deputies, but closed to the 
populace. The deputies of the commons, of the rightful 
Assembly^ were kept, however, some time in waiting, before 
they could gain admittance. When they entered, they 
found their seats occupied by the privileged orders. — ^ 
The king appeared, to spread for the last time the " bed of 
justice," surrounded by all the parade of power. He was 

19 



218 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

received by the deputies with profound silence. He COK* 
demned the proceedings of the Assembly, which he recog- 
nized only as the order of the commons ; enjoined the sep- 
aration into orders, the maintenance of feudal rights, in- 
terposed the royal power to the popular will, and concluded 
his address by ordering the Assembly to separate immedi- 
ately. The King withdrew, followed by the nobles and a 
portion of the clergy. The deputies of the people kept 
their seats. Silence was at length broken by Mirabeau, 
the master-spirit of the popular assemblies. "Gentlemen, 
(he said,) I admit that what you have heard might be for 
the good of the country, were not the presents of despotism 
always dangerous. What means this insulting dictation ? 
the display of arms, the violation of the national temple, in 
order to command you to be happy ? Who is it that utters 
this command ? he who acts by your commission ! Who 
gives you imperious laws 1 he who acts by your commis- 
sion ! — he who ought to receive them from you, from us, 
gentlemen, who are invested with a political and inviolable 
priesthood ; from us, from whom twenty-five millions of 
people expect certain happiness, because it ought to be con- 
sented to, given and received by all. But the freedom of 
your deliberations is chained down ; a military force envi- 
rons the Assembly ! Where are the enemies of the nation ? 
Is Catiline at our gates ? I demand that, clothing your- 
selves in your dignity and your legislative authority, you 
remain firm in the sacredness of your oath ; it does not 
permit us to separate till we have framed the constitution." 
The grand master of the ceremonies, (says Mignet,) seeing 
that the Assembly did not separate, was about to remind it 
of the order of the king. " Go," exclaimed Mirabeau, " tell 
your master that we are here by the order of the people, 
and that we shall depart only at the point of the bayonet." 
"You are to-day," added Sieyes, with calmness, "what 
you were yesterday ; let us deliberate !" and the Assembly, 
full of resolution and majesty, proceeded to its deliberations. 
Upon the motion of Camus, it persisted in all its decrees ; 
and upon that of Mirabeau, it decreed the inviolability of 
its members. 

At the next sitting, the majority of the clerical deputies 
resumed their seats. Lafayette, with the forty-seven libe- 
ral nobles, after endeavouring in vain to induce their obsti- 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 219 

2'iate associates to yield, also joined with the commons. 
Strong indications of the popular will, from the provinces 
and in Paris, however, soon induced the remainder of the 
nobles and clergy to yield, and on the 27th of June, the 
three orders had become united in one general Assembly, 
representing the whole nation. 

But, through the influence of rash advisers, the king pre- 
pared to control the Assembly, or to subdue it and the people 
by force. While the Assembly pursued its deliberations, 
troops were arraying in great numbers. Versailles pre- 
sented the appearance of a camp ; the hall of the States was 
surrounded by guards, and entrance prohibited to the citi- 
zens. Mercenary troops, and trains of artillery from abroad, 
were posted around Paris. These hostile preparations agi- 
tated the people, and disturbances were already commenced. 
The Assembly, on the motion of Mirabeau, seconded by La- 
fayette, adopted an address to the king, requiring the with- 
drawal of the troops, but without effect. On the 11th of 
July, the Assembly still surrounded and menaced by the 
troops, Lafayette proposed the following declaration of 
rights : 

" Nature has made men free and equal. The distinctions 
necessary for social order, are only founded on general util- 

" Every man is born with rights inalienable and impre- 
scriptible ; such are the liberty of his opinions, the care of 
his honour and his life, the right of property, the uncontrolled 
disposal of his person, his industry and all his faculties ; 
the communication of all his thoughts by all possible means ; 
the pursuit of happiness and the resistance of oppression. 

" The exercise of natural rights has no limits, but such 
as will ensure their enjoyment to other members of society. 

" No man can be subject to any laws, excepting those 
which have received the assent of himself or his representa- 
tives, and which are promulgated beforehand and applied 
legally. 

" The principle of all sovereignty resides in the nation. 
Nobody, no individual can possess authority, which does not 
expressly emanate from it. 

" Government has for its sole object, the general welfare. 
This interest requires that the legislative, executive and ju- 
dicial powers, should be distinct and defined, and that their 



220 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

organization should secure the free representation of the 
citizens, the responsibility of the agents, and the impartial- 
ity of the judges. 

"The laws ought to be clear, precise and uniform for all 
citizens. 

" The subsidies ought to be freely consented to, and fairly 
imposed. 

"And as the introduction of abuses and the right of sue- 
ceeding generations make the revision of every human estab- 
lishment necessary, it must be allowed to the nation to have, 
in certain cases, an extraordinary convocation of deputies, 
whose sole object should be the examination and correction, 
if necessary, of the vices of the constitution." 

This comprehensive declaration of the rights of man, the 
first that was ever published in Europe, was the foundation 
of that afterwards adopted by the constituent assembly. It 
was seconded by Lally Tolendal, with the remark, that "All 
the principles contained therein are the sacred emanations 
of truth ; all the sentiments are noble and sublime. The 
author of the motion now displays as much eloquence in 
speaking of liberty, as he has already shown courage to de- 
fend it." 

Ijn pursuance of the hostile policy of the court, M. Necker, 
the popular minister, was dismissed by the king, with orders 
immediately to leave the kingdom in secret. As soon as 
his di-smissal was known, the people of Paris, already highly 
excited, broke out into actual and fearful insurrection. 
After another unsuccessful effort to induce the king to 
withdraw the troops, and to adopt other measures for the 
publick tranquillity, the Assembly passed several energetick 
decrees, among which was one, on the motion of Lafayette, 
declaring the responsibility of the king's ministers and ad- 
visers, of whatever rank or state ;. and, fearing they might 
be again excluded by an armed force from their hall, the 
Assembly declared their session permanent. Lafayette 
was chosen Vice-President, and held the sitting during the 
night. 

For two days and nights, (July 13*^h and 14tb>) during 
the progress of insurrection at Paris, and the threatened at- 
tack by the mercenary troops of the court, Lafayette and 
his patriotick associates of the Assembly, amidst conflicting 
fumours and anxious forebodings, firmly continoed their 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 221 

session, deliberating upon the proposed constitution. News 
at length came, that the people were victorious. The Bas- 
tile, that gloomy and infamous prison-house, that ancient 
fortress, hitherto deemed impregnable, had fallen before 
them. De Launey, commandant of the Bastile, was be- 
headed. Flesselles, the provost (corresponding to the office 
of mayor) of Paris, who had deceived the people, also fell a 
victim to their fury. The eyes of the king, hitherto blinded 
by the misrepresentations of his counsellors, were opened to 
the true state of publick feeling, and to his own danger. 
On the morning of the 15th, the Assembly were about to 
send a fifth deputation to the king, when he made his ap- 
pearance, without an escort, accompanied only by his two 
brothers. He spoke kindly, recognising the Assembly for 
the first time, as the National Assembly. He declared him- 
self one of the nation, and that, relying upon the affection 
and fidelity of his subjects, he had given orders for the troops 
to retire from Paris and Versailles. " You have been afraid 
of me," said he: "now, for my part, I put my trust in you." 
These words were hailed with applause. The members 
rose spontaneously, and escorted the monarch on foot to his 
palace. The king had also promised to restore Necker, 
and to proceed next day in person to Paris, to conciliate 
the peopte. 

A deputation of one hundred members, among whom were 
Lafayette and Bailly, was appointed by the Assembly to re- 
pair to Paris, and announce the happy turn of affairs. The 
municipality of Paris, constituted by the electors for the 
emergency, was assembled at the Hotel de Ville, surrounded 
by multitudes of the populace. The deputation, on announ- 
cing its object, was received with the liveliest demonstra- 
tions of joy. Bailly was appointed, amidst loud acclama- 
tions, successor to Flesselles, with the title of Mayor of Pa- 
ris. There was yet to be appointed a commander of the 
civick guards, or national militia, the formation of v/hich 
had been directed. There was, in the Hotel de Ville, a 
trophy from independent America, the bust presented by the 
State of Virginia to the city of Paris. An elector (Moreau 
de St. Mery) pointed to it with his finger. All eyes were 
fixed upon it. It was the bust of Lafayette. With unani- 
mous shouts of applause he was proclaimed commander. 

The next day, at the head of the civick guards, Lafayette 

19* 



-222 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE, 

received the king in Paris. The guards, near two hundred 
thousand in number, were arrayed in double lines, and armed 
with muskets, pikes, lances, scythes and staves. The king 
passed through these lines and entered the Hotel de Ville, 
under an arch of swords crossed over his head, as a mark 
of honour. Quiet was restored to the capital, and apparent 
confidence re-established between the king and the people. 
The anti. revolutionary ministers, the rash advisers of the 
project which had failed, quitted the court. The Count 
d'Artois, the Princes of Conde and Condi, the Polignac 
family, and some others, hastily left the kingdom ; and thus 
commenced the emigration of the aristocracy, vVhich soon 
became so numerous, and instigated in foreign countries 
hostilities against France. 

Lafayette, with the authority of the king and the muni- 
cipality, re-organized the civick militia, incorporating into 
it the French guards, who were devoted to the revolution. 
This was attended with much difficulty, as the French 
guards were tenacious of retaining their distinctive organi- 
zation, and was only accomplished by the firmness and con- 
ciliatory spirit of Lafayette. He borrowed of the bankers, 
on his own responsibility, as he had done for similar purpO" 
ses in America, 1,200 000 francs, which were distributed 
among the French guards on their dissolution. Upon the 
body of troops thus formed, and who are so celebrated in 
the history of French revolutions, Lafayette bestowed the 
title of the National Guards. A uniform was adopted, and 
a cockade, in which the blue and red, the colours of the 
city, were united with the white, the colour of the king. 
This was the famous tri-coloured cockade, of which Lafay- 
ette, in announcing its adoption and the formation of the 
National Guards, to the Assembly, said : "Gentlemen, I 
bring you a cockade which shall make the tour of the world ;. 
and an institution, at once civick and military, which shall 
change the system of European tacticks, and reduce all ab» 
solute governments to the alternative of being beaten, if they 
do not imitate it, or of being overthrown if they dare to im- 
itate it." By the influence of Lafayette, a National Guard 
was organized on the same principles as that of Parisj. 
throughout the kingdom ; but he refused the special com- 
mands, which were pressed upon him by deputations and 
addresses from all quarters. 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 223 

A French writer (Toulongeon) thus speaks of Lafayette 
at this period. " Lafayette, whose name and whose reputa- 
tion, acquired in America, were associated with liberty it- 
seU', Lafayette was at the head of the Parisian National 
Guard. He enjoyed at once that entire confidence and 
publick esteem which are due to great qualities. 1 he facul- 
ty of raising the spirits, or rather of infusing fresh courage 
into the heart, was natural to him. His external appear- 
ance was youlhfid and bold, which is always pleasing to the 
multitude. His manners were simple, popular and engaging. 
He possessed every thing which is wanting to commence^, 
and terminate, a revolution — the brilliant qualities of mili- 
tary activity, and the calm confidence of courage in times 
of publick commotion. Lafayette was equal to every thing, 
if every thing had been done fairly and openly ; but he was 
unacquainted with the dark and narrow road of intrigue." 

At the head of the National Guards, Lafayette endeavour, 
ed to preserve the publick tranquillity, to prevent bloodshed, 
and to secure the execution and observance of the laws 
passed by the Assembly. No man could, in those terrible 
times, have exerted the same influence. Many victims were 
saved by him from the popular fury. Agitation continued 
in Paris, and spread throughout the kingdom. Foulon, 
who as an intendent, had committed enormous extortionsj. 
and spoken contemptuously of the people, in spite of the ef- 
forts of Lafayette to save him, was beheaded, and his head 
stuck upon a pole and paraded through Paris. His son-in- 
law, Berthier, fell by the hands of the same lawless multitude, 
Lafayette, full of grief and indignation at these events, avow™ 
ed his intention of resigning. The mayor and municipali- 
ty, anxiously solicited him to forego that intention. The 
militia and the people thronged around him, and promised 
the utmost obedience in future. On these conditions he 
resumed the command, and by his own energy and that of 
the troops, prevented many excesses. He refused, as he had 
done in America, all compensation for his services, or indem- 
nity for the expenses which his office had imposed upon him., 
To the municipality of Paris, on this point, he replied 
(Sept. 30, 1790,) "My private fortune secures me from want; 
it has outlasted two revolutions; and should it survive a 
third, throiigli the complaisance of the people, it shall belong. 
to them alone." 



234 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

In the mean timej the Assembly continued to deliberate 
upon the Declaration of Rights, proposed by Lafayette, and 
upon kindred measures, which had his sanction. On the 
night of the 4th of August, by a common impulse of devo- 
tion to liberty, the deputies resolved upon the abolition of 
all feudal rights and privileges, and of the long list of abuses 
of which the people justly complained. Lafayette warmly 
supported these measures and insisted that the constitutional 
equality among citizens should be immediately established. 
"This night, (says Mignet) which an enemy of the revolu- 
tion called at the time the Saint-Barthelemy of property, 
was only the Saint-Barthelemy of abuses. It cleared away 
the rubbish of the feudal system ; it delivered the person 
fi'om the remains of ancient servitude ; lands from seigno- 
rial dependence ; soccage properties from the ravages of 
those who claimed the right of game, and from the exaction 
of tithes. In destroying seignorial jurisdictions, the rem- 
nants of private power, it led to the reign of publick power, 
in destroying the venality of the offices of the magistracy, 
it promised unbribed jivstice. It was the passage from a 
condition in which every thing belonged to individuals, to 
another, in which every thing was to belong to the state. 
This night changed the aspect of the realm; it rendered aM 
Frenchmen equal ; it opened the way for all to arrive at 
publick employments ; to aspire after property ; to exercise 
industry ; finally, this night was a revolution as important 
as the insurrection of the 14th of July, of which it was the 
consequence. It rendered the people the masters of society, 
as the other had rendered them the masters of the govern- 
ment ; and permitted them to build up the new constitution 
by destroying the old." 

A medal was struck to preserve the memory of this day ; 
the Assembly decreed to Louis XVI, the title of Restorer of 
French Liberty, and ordered that a solemn Te Deum should 
be performed on the occasion. The king accepted the title 
and was present at the Te Deum. The Declaration of 
nights was soon after completed, and adopted by the As- 
sembly. 



LIFE OP LAFAYETTE* 225 



CHAPTER XXIil. 

Intrigues and duplicity of the queen and court — Projected removal of 
the king — Mad military banquet at Versailles— Fearful insurrec- 
tion of tlie 6th of October— Mob oc" women assail the palace— La- 
fayette resists the popular fury — Repairs to Versailks— Defends 
the palace— Saves the lives of the royal family— Reconciles the 
king and queen to the populace — The royal family remove to 
Pans— Guarded by Lafayette — New projects of agitation and flight 
— Counteracted by Lafayette — Transmits to Gen. Washington a 
drawing and key of the Bastile — Volunteer oath of the King to sus- 
tain the constitution — Abolition of titles — Death of Franklin — 
Eulogium of Mirabeau — Motion of Lafayette — Anniversary of 
the 14th July — Federation of the Champ-de-Mars — Lafayette the 
champion of the day — The oath — Grand review of the National 
Guards — Monitory address of Lafayette — Reply of the deputies. 

The sanction of the king to the decrees of the 4th of 
August, was reluctantly given ; while he withheld his assent 
from the Declaration of Rights proposed by Lafayette and 
adopted by the Assembly. With blind fatality, and guilty 
obstinacy, the queen and nobles of the court, endeavoured 
by secret plots and intrigues to prevent the adoption of the 
free institutions and laws which were demanded by the in- 
telligence and circumstances of the times. They sought to 
promote anarchy, rather than to establish order, as most 
congenial to their designs. The king, unfortunately for 
himself and the nation, yielded himself to these pernicious 
influences, and became a victim to the intrigue and dupli- 
city by which he was surrounded. 

The first effort of the counter-plotters of the court, was a 
plan for the removal of the king from the influence of the 
Assembly and of Paris. He was to withdraw with the 
court to Metz, where, amidst the army and the nobles, aid- 
ed by mercenary troops and foreign powers, the Assembly 
and the people of Paris were to be declared rebels, and the 
ancient absolute government re-estahlished. To ensure the 
success of this plan, under the pretext of guarding against 
popular commotion, the Flanders regiment and other troops 
were brought to Versailles, and the guards of the palace 



226 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

were doubled. This military display excited suspicions 
among the people, and rumour soon suggested the intended 
flight of the king. The popular party was desirous of se- 
curing his person, and already expressed a wish for his re- 
moval to Paris. The crisis was accelerated by a banquet 
given at Versailles, by the king's guards to the officers of 
the Flanders regiment, on the 1st of October. At this festi- 
val, held in the grand saloon of the theatre of the palace, 
which had been hitherto devoted to the most solemn festi- 
vals of the court, the most extravagant expressions and acts 
of loyalty were indulged. In the midst of the riotous hi- 
larity, the king entered the banquet hall, in a hunting dress, 
followed by the queen, with the dauphin in her arms. — 
Their healths were drank by the guests with naked swords 
in hand, and when they were retiring, the band struck up 
the air, O Richard, O mon roi, Vunivers fahandonne ! The 
charge was sounded, and the guests scaled the boxes, as 
though advancing to an assault. Cockades, of a single 
colour, white or black, were distributed, and the tri-coloured 
cockade, that of the nation, it was said and believed at the 
time, was trodden under foot ; and the troops repaired to the 
galleries of the palace, where the ladies of the court over- 
whelmed them with congratulations and decorated them with 
ribands and cockades. 

This mad banquet was renewed on the 3d of October. 
A portion of the company, as on the former occasion, pre- 
sented themselves before the queen, who, among other expres- 
sions, declared to them, that she was " enchanted by the 
pleasures of Thursday. ^^ 

These proceedings clearly indicated the designs of the 
court ; and with the refusal of the king to sanction the de- 
claration of rights, together with the sufferings of the people 
from the scarcity of food, wrought up the populace of Pa- 
ris to a state of the greatest phrensy. It was in vain that 
Lafayette and the civil magistrates endeavoured to allay 
the excitement. In the excesses of the French revolution 
the females of the lower classes acted a conspicuous part. 
Indeed, from the queen, who was at the head of the court, 
or counter-revolution party, through every grade of parties 
and factions, females exercised a formidable political influ- 
ence. On the 5th of October, a crowd of furious women 
assembled in Paris. They broke into the Hotel de Yille, 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 22? 

•crying, " bread ! bread ! " rung the great bellj the tocsin 
of alarm, and the whole populace were soon in motion. — ■ 
Armed with bludgeons, broomsticks, muskets and cutlasses, 
most of those furious women, headed by a citizen named 
Maillard, who had signalized himself at the capture of the 
Bastile, marched to Versailles ; entered the hall of the As- 
sembly, and by a numerous committee, penetrated the pal- 
ace, to the presence of the king himself. They were fol- 
lowed by others, men and women, and the mob which sur- 
rounded the palace were fired upon by the guards ; two of 
the guards were killed, and several on both sides wounded. 

For eight hours Lafayette resisted the desires of the na- 
tional militia, to go with the populace to Versailles. " Gen- 
eral," said one of them to him, " you do not deceive us, but 
you deceive yourself. Instead of turning our arms against 
women, let us go to Versailles to fetch the king, and make 
sure of his good disposition by placing him in the midst of 
us." He detained them until their passions had cooled, and 
by order of the commune at length set out. He halted his 
army by the way, exhorted them to the preservation of or- 
der, and made them swear to be faithful to the king. Arri* 
ving at Versailles about midnight, he repaired in person to 
the palace, and assured the king and royal family of his 
disposition, and that of his army, to protect them from vio- 
lence. Lafayette was refused the guard of the palace, 
which was assigned to the Flander's regiment, the Swiss, and 
life-guards. The outposts alone were intrusted to him. 
The king retired to rest. The mob became quiet ; and af- 
ter being up, and vigilantly employed all night, Lafayette^ 
at five in the morning, took some refreshment, and threw 
himself upon a bed to obtain some rest. The people about 
this time began to stir, and thronged to the palace ; where, 
a quarrel occurring, one of the life-guards fired from the 
windows. Enraged, the crowd rushed upon the palace; 
found a gate open in rear, and ascending by a staircase, 
penetrated even to the apartment of the queen, who scarcely 
had time to escape to the king's apartments. A portion of 
Lafayette's guards, stationed near the palace, hastened to 
disperse the mob, and to aid the life-guards, who were con- 
tending at the doors of the palace. 

Lafayette, who had not fallen asleep, hearing the tumult, 
mounted the first horse he met with, and gallopped into the 



22S lilFE OP LAFAYETTE. 

midst of the fray, where he found several of the life-guards 
about to be slaughtered. Lafiyette proceeded to rescue 
them, and ordered his troops to hasten to the palace. Left 
alone in the midst of the brigands, one of them took aim at 
him. With a peremptory voice, Lafayette ordered the man 
to be brought to him. Struck with awe and respect, the 
mob hastened to obey, seized the culprit, and dashed out his 
brains upon the pavement. After saving the life-guards, 
Lafayette hastened to the palace. His troops, who were 
already there, surrounded him, and pledged ■- themselves to 
die for the king. " At this moment, (says Thiers), the life- 
guards, who had been saved from destruction, shouted " La- 
fayette for ever /" The whole court, seeing themselves pre- 
served by him and his troops, acknowledged that to him 
they were indebted for their lives. These testimonies of 
gratitude were universal. Madame Adelaide, the king's 
aunt, ran up to him, and clasped him in her arms, saying, 
* General, you have saved us.' " 

The mob which surrounded the palace, now cried out, 
" To Paris ! To Paris !" It was at length decided in a 
council, where Lafayette refused to be present, that the 
king and court should comply with the wish of the people. 
This decision was announced by slips of paper, thrown 
among the crowd. The king, accompanied by Lafayette^ 
then showed himself upon the balcony, and was greeted with 
shouts of ^^ Long live the king!" But the queen, endeav*. 
curing to appear, with some of her children, was received 
with threatening language, and cries of "no babies !" She 
had declared to Lafayette her courageous intention of ac- 
companying the king to Paris. The general led her lo the 
balcony, and by a delicate sign, it being impossible that his 
voice should be heard in the tumult, bespoke for her the con- 
ciliation of the mob : he stepped forward, took the hand of 
the queen, and kissed it respectfully. The mob responded 
to the token, and confirmed the reconciliation by shouts of 
*^Long live the queen!" ^' Long live Lafayette!" 

The king and royal family set off for Paris, escorted by 
Lafayette and his guards, preceded and followed by portions 
of the fearful and triumphant mob. A band of the brigands 
were parading the heads of the two life guards they had 
killed, on the point of their pikes. Lafayette disarmed 
themj and took from them these horrible trophies. The 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 229 

king and his family repaired first to the Hotel de Ville> 
wheiie they \^ere received by M. Bailly.. the mayor. " I 
return with confidence," said the king, " into the midst of 
my people in Paris." In repeating these words to those 
who could not hear the king, Bailly forgot the word conji. 
dence, "Add with confidence" said the queen. "You are 
happier," replied Bailly, "than if I had said it myself." 
Thus ended the memorable 6th of October^ in the events of 
which Lafayette bore so important a part. 

The royal family took up its residence at the palace of 
the Tuileries, which had been uninhabited for a century. 
During that period, the royal i-esidence and the court had 
been at Versailles, about fourteen mifes from Paris. There, 
millions and millions had been lavished in costly buildings, 
and the decorations and improvements of a position which 
possessed but ^ew natural advantages. There was the seat 
of despotism and intrigue ; and there, the utmost luxury 
and extravagance continued to be indulged, while the people 
were threatened with starvation. By the events of the 5th 
and 6th of October, the king, the court, and the Assembly, 
were restored to Paris. 

The guard of the palace was confided to the corps of 
which Lafayette was commander, and he was thus made 
responsible to the nation for the person of the king. He 
also took, by the direction of the king, the command of the 
environs of Paris for twenty miles round, and adopted 
prompt and eflScient measures to insure order and security. 
The king, the queen, and the court, by an impulse of justice, 
acknowledged their obligations to him for their lives ; and, 
enjoying the confidence of the friends of rational liberty, 
his popularity was immense. He did not escape the jeal- 
ousy and the calumnies of Mirabeau and others, who had 
personal objects to accomplish ; and to these were added 
the reproaches of the aristocracy. In spite of these, he 
persevered faithfully in his duties. The Duke of Orleans, 
brother to the king, who had espoused the revolution, as was 
generally believed, from ambitious motives, was the cause 
of distrust and threatened disturbance. Lafayette insisted 
upon, and induced, his withdrawal from the kingdom. In 
a tumult occasioned by the scarcity of food, a baker had 
been killed. Lafayette succeeded in arresting the culprits, 
and delivering them over to justice, A tribunal had been 

20 



^30 MFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

constituted, styled the Chatelet, for trying offences relative 
to the revohition. Through the influence of Lafayette, im« 
portant reforms were introduced in the mode of its proceed* 
ings. The trials were publick, the accused were confronted 
with the witnesses, were allowed advocates, &c. He had la« 
boured for the establishment of the trial by jury, which was 
afterwards adopted. 

The Assembly continued its labours, in finishing the 
measures of reform, and completing the constitution. In 
the mean time, factions were springing up, in and around it. 
The emigrant nobles abroad, the aristocracy and members 
of the court, were busied in promoting excesses, and fur- 
nishing pretexts and opportunities for counter-revolution. 
It was their policy to represent the king as a prisoner, that 
his concessions to the popular cause might the more readily 
be disavowed. The queen had complained to Lafayette 
that the king was not free, and assigned as a proof, that 
the palace duty was performed by the national guards, and 
not by the life-guards. Lafayette immedialely proposed 
the restoration of the life-guards, offering to share with them 
the duty of the palace. This was declined by the king, under 
the pretext that it would expose the life-guards to the risk of 
being murdered. Lafayette occasioned some embarrassment 
to the queen, who brought this excuse, by stating to her that 
he had just seen one of them walking in uniform, in the 
Palace Royal. 

In the beginning of 1790, strong indications appeared of 
a general agitation, not only in Paris, but throughout the 
kingdom. The great body of the clergy, having been de- 
prived by the late acts of the Assembly, of their immense 
property and privileges, united with the court and the nobili- 
ty, to prevent the execution of the measures of reform. An 
attempt was made to seduce or disorganize the array, and 
some of the national guards, who were under pay, assembled 
tumultuously in the Champ. de-Mars, and demanded an 
increase of pay. Lafayette, active and present at all points 
of danger, hastened to the spot, dispersed and punished the 
refractory soldiers, and restored order among the troops 
who continued faithful. A design, to carry off the king, 
and, as was alleged, to assassinate Bailly and Lafayette, was 
discovered. The king was to be conveyed to PeronnCy 
placed at the head of an army of Swiss and Piedmontese 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTEo. 231 

and thence march upon Paris. The Marquis of Favras, who 
was to conduct this enterprise, was arrested, and handed 
over to the tribunal for trial. The populace was highly 
excited against iiiin, and the court, of which he was sup- 
posed to be the agent. Lafayette interfered to ensure him 
a fair and impartial trial, which Favras o;ratefully acknowl- 
edged. He was condemned and executed. 

Foreign powers, instigated by the French emigrants, and 
the natural fears of the influence of freedom, began secretly 
to interfere with the internal affairs of France. Lafayette 
denounced in the National Assembly this interference. He 
also condemned the riots and outrages which took place in 
the provinces, by whomsoever instigated, and proposed vig- 
orous measures against the rioters. " Under despotism, 
(said he,) the most sacred of duti-es is insurrection ; under 
a free government, obedience to the laws." 

Lafayette was desirous of establishing for France, that 
rational liberty which had been secured for x'lmerica. He 
saw the difficulties which threatened, but did not as yet de- 
spair. With a letter to Gen. Washington, March 17, 1790,. 
in which he stated some of these difficulties, what had been 
accomplished, and what was hoped for, Lafayette transmitted 
the key and a drawing of the Bastile. " Give me leave (he 
said) my dear general, to present you with a picture of the 
Bastile, a ^ew days after I had ordered its demolition, with a 
main key of the fortress of despotism. It is a tribute whiehs 
I owe as a son to my adopted father, as an aid. de. camp to my 
general, as a missionary of liberty to its patriarch." 

Gen. Washington acknowledged the receipt of these tro- 
phies, Aug. 21, 1790. " I have received (he said) your 
affectionate letter of the 17th of March, by one .conveyance, 
and the token of the victory gained by liberty over despot- 
ism, by another ; for both which testimonials of your friend- 
ship and regard I pray you accept my sincere thanks. In 
this great subject of triumph for the new world, and for hu- 
manity in general, it will never be forgotten how conspicu- 
ous a part you bore, and how much lustre you reflect on a 
country in which you made the first displays of your 
character." 

On the 4th of February, (1790,) the king appeared unex- 
pectedly in the hall of the Assembly. He pledged himself 
lo support the new order of things and to defend the con- 



232 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

stitution, which the Assembly had completed and adopted. 
This voluntary pledge of the king, gave rise to the adop- 
tion of a civick oath, by vv^hich the deputies, and each of the 
authorities throughout the kinjrdom, swore " to be faithful to 
the nation, to the law, and to the king, and to uphold with all 
his power the constitution decreed by the National Assembly, 
and accepted by the king." It was also determined to ob- 
serve the approaching 14th of July, the anniversary of the 
insurrection of the people, and the fall of the Bastile, and 
of the nation's deliverance, with suitable and imposing sol- 
emnities. A confederation of the whole realm was to take 
place in the Champ.de- Mars at Paris, and there, in the open 
air, deputies from the eighty-three departments, the depu- 
ties of the Assembly, of the national guards at Paris, and 
throughout France, and the king in person, were to take 
the oath to the constitution. 

In the mean time, as preliminary to this patriotick festi- 
val, all that remained of empty privilege was abolished by 
decrees of the Assembly — all the hereditary titles of count, 
marquis, baron ; armorial bearings, liveries, orders of chiv- 
alry. Lafayette had been the first to renounce these empty 
titles, as well as the privileges which were attached to them, 
although he was willing that any one who chose should re- 
tain the titles themselves. He was for the substance, while 
others pursued the shadow. 

At this eventful period, on the 11th of June, the death of 
Doctor Franklin was made known in France. The next 
morning, on the convening of the Assembly, Lafayette re- 
quested Mirabeau to preface a motion which he suggested, 
by some appropriate remarks. Mirabeau rose, and an- 
nounced the event in a brief speech, of the most thrilling 
eloquence. This celebrated address, entirely unpremedita- 
ted, cannot be too often repeated in America^ It was as 
follows : — 

"Franklin is dead!" 

[A profound silence reigned throughout the hall.] 

" The genius, which gave freedom to America, and scattered tori 
rents of light upon Europe, is returned to the bosom of the Divinity ! 

" The sage, whom two worlds claim ; the man, disputed by the 
history of i,he sciences and the history of empires, holds, most undoubt- 
edly, an elevated rank among the human species. 

" Political cabinets have but too long notified the death of those 



ZIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 233 

who were never great but in their funeral orations ; the etiquette of 
courts has but too long sanctioned hypocritical grief. — Nations ought 
only to mourn for their benefactors; the representatives of free men 
ought never to recommend any other than tiie heroes of humanity to 
their homage. 

" The Congress hath ordered a general mourning for one month 
throughout the fourteen confederated states, on account of the death 
of Franklin ; and America hath thus acquitted her tribute of admira- 
tion in behalf of one of the fathers of her constitution. 

" Would it not be worthy of you, fellow-legislators, to unite your- 
selves in tliis religious act, to particate in this homage rendered in the 
face of the universe to the rights of man, and to the philosopher who 
has so eminently propagated the conquest of them throughout the 
world ? 

" Antiquity would have elevated altars to that mortal, who for the 
advantage of the human race, embracing both heaven and earth in 
his vast and extensive mind, knew how to subdue thunder and 
tyranny ? 

" Enlightened and free, Europe at least owes its remembrance and 
its regret to one of the greatest men who has ever served the cause of 
philosophy and of liberty. 

" I propose, that a decree do now pass, enacting, that the National 
Assembly shall wear mourning during three days for Benjamin 
Franklin." 

Lafayette and Rochefoucault, simultaneously rose to sec- 
ond the motion. The decree passed, and the President was 
directed to write a letter of condolence on the occ,asion to 
the American Congress. This letter, dated June 20, 1790, 
contained the following paragraph : " May the Congress of 
the United States and the National Assembly of France be 
the first to furnish this fine spectacle [mutual liberty and 
amity,] to the world ! And may the individuals of the two 
nations connect themselves by a mutaal affection, worthy 
of the friendship which unites the two men, at this day most 
illustrious by their exertions for liberty, Washington and 
Lafayette." 

Such was the estimation in which Lafayette was then 
held in France. Happy would it have been for the nation, 
had it continued to appreciate his worth, and to be govern- 
ed by his examples and his counsels ! 

A rumour prevailed, that Lafayette was about to be ap- 
pointed commandant of all the national guards of the king- 
dom. The conrt, unfriendly to, or distrustful of, Lafayette, 
pretended to be alarmed at this increase of his power. But, 
Lafayette was as disinterested as he was popular. He had 
no design of accepting a station which he had before and 

20* 



234 LIFE OT LAFAYETTE. 

frequently refused. His ambition was of a more pure and 
nobie character, than to aim at the possession or exercise 
of military despotism ; although in his hands the command 
in question would have been unattended with either. To 
prevent ali pretext of alarm or reproach, Lafayette at once 
proposed, that the same person should not command more 
than the guard of one department. The motion was carried 
by acclamations, and the disinterestedness of the general 
warmly applauded. Laiayette, however, was charged with 
the whole arrangements of the festival, and was appointed 
for that occasion Chief of the Federation, or Generalissimo, 
in his quality of commandant of the Parisian guards. 

The Champ-de-Mars, where the ceremonies were to take 
place, is a spacious area, on the left bank of the Seine, at 
the south-west extremity of the city. It was about half a 
mile in length and a quarter of a mile in breadth, slightly 
circling towards the river. The earth was to be removed 
from the centre to the sides, so as to form an amphitheatre, 
capable of containing an immense mass of spectators. In 
addition to twelve thousand labourers who had been em- 
ployed for weeks, the entire population of Paris volunteered 
to further the preparations. Females of the first families 
mingled in the labours, and the greatest enthusiasm pre- 
vailed. 

The 14th of July arrived. All the federal deputies of the 
provinces and the army, ranged under their chiefs and their 
banners, set out from the place of the Bastile. The pro- 
cession passed through the principal streets of Paris, receiv- 
ing on their way the municipalities and the Assembly, and 
greeted with enthusiasm by the people, to the Champ-de- 
Mars. Lafayette, mounted on a superb white horse, and 
surrounded b}' his aids-de-camp, gave orders and conducted 
this immense procession, amidst the applause of the people. 
A French author (M. Ferrieras) states the following inci- 
dent. " The perspiration trickled from his face. A man, 
whom nobody knew, pushed through the crowd, and ad- 
vanced, holding a bottle in one hand, and a glass in the 
other. ' General,' said he, ' you are hot, take a glass.' — 
Raising his bottle, he filled a large glass and handed it to 
M. de Lafayette. The general took the glass, eyed the 
stranger for a moment, and drank off the wine at a draught. 
The people applauded. Lafayette, with a smile of complai- 




ILAFAYETTE TAKING THE CIVICK OATH TO THE FRENCH FEDERATION, 

JULY 14, 1790. 



LIFE QP LAFAYETTE. 237 

sance, east a benevolent and smiling look upon the multi- 
tude, and that look seemed to say, ' I shall never conceive 
any suspicion, I shall never feel any uneasiness, so long as 
I am in the midst of you.' " 

The whole extent of the Champ-de-Mars was surrounded 
by steps of green turf, rising cne above another, occupied 
by four hundred thousand spectators. Within this circle, 
upon appropriate elevations, decorated with flowers, were 
the king, the national authorities, the ministers and depu- 
ties. In the rear of the king was an elevated balcony, oc- 
cupied by the queen and the court. Sixty thousand fede- 
ralists performed their evolutions in the intermediate space ; 
and in the centre, upon a base twenty feet high, was eleva- 
ted the altar of the country. Three hundred priests, with 
white surplices and tri-coloured scarfs, were arranged at the 
four corners of the altar, at which the celebrated Talleyrand, 
then Bishop of Autun, in his pontifical robes, celebrated 
mass, amidst vocal and instrumental musick, and the peals 
of cannon. 

To this imposing ceremony, succeeded profound silence 
throughout the vast enclosure. Lafayette, dismounting from 
his horse, advanced as the first to take the civick oath. 
" He was carried (says Mignet) in the arms of grenadiers, 
to the altar of the country, in the midst of the acclama- 
tions of the people. He then, in an elevated voice, in 
his own name, in the name of the troops, and of the fede- 
rates, spoke as follows : ' We swear to be faithful to the 
nation, to the law, and to the king ; and to maintain with 
all our power the constitution decreed by the National As- 
sembly and accepted by the king ; and to remain united to 
all Frenchmen, by the indissoluble ties of fraternity.' Dis- 
charges of artillery, shouts of '^ Long live the nation f' 
* Long live the king /' the clashing of arms, the sounds of 
musick, instantly mingled in one unanimous and prolonged 
cadence. The President of the Assembly took the same 
oath, and all the deputies repeated it at the same time. 
Louis XVI then rising, * I,' said he, ' the King of France, 
swear to employ all the powers delegated to me by the 
constitutional act of the state> to maintain the constitu- 
tion decreed by the National Assembly, and accepted by 
me." The queen being then led forward, and raising the 
Dauphin in her arms, and showing him to the people, said, 



238 LIFE OF LAFAYETTB. 

* Here is my son ; he unites with me in the same senti- 
ments.' At the same instant the banners were lowered, 
the acclamations of the people were heard in one loud and 
prolonged shout. Subjects believed in the sincerity of the 
monarch, and the monarch in the attachment of his subjects ; 
and this happy day was terminated by a solemn chant ot" 
thanksgiving." 

The next day Lafayette reviewed the national guards of 
the departments who were present, and a part of the army 
of the line. The king and queen attended. Sixty thou- 
sand men were under arms, and presented a magnificent 
and imposing spectacle, at once military and national. 
The enthusiasm manifested on that occasion, and the pre- 
vious day, indicated that the wish that the command of the 
whole national guards of the kingdom should be conferred 
on Lafayette, had not been abandoned. This induced La- 
fayette, in his address to the confederates, to use the follow- 
ing admonitory language : " Let not ambition take pos- 
session of you : love the friends of the people ; but reserve 
blind submission for the law, and enthusiasm for liberty. 
Pardon this advice, gentlemen : you have given me the glo- 
rious right to offer it, when, by loading me with every spe- 
cies of favour which one of your brothers could receive 
from you, my heart, amidst its delightful emotions, cannot 
repress a feeling of fear." On taking leave of Lafayette, 
th© deputations, who had come with the design of confer- 
ring upon him the chief command, spoke as follows : " The 
deputies of the national guards of France retire, with the 
regret of not being able to nominate you their chief. They 
respect the constitutional law, though it checks at this mo- 
ment the impulse of their hearts. A circumstance which 
must cover you with immortal glory, is, that you yourself 
promoted that law ; that you yourself prescribed boimds to 
our gratitude." 



UEFE OF LAFAYETTE, 289 



CHAPTER XXIV. 

Smpty pageant and professions — The factions — Lafayette endeavotirs 
to reconcile them — Counter disturbances — Lafayette suppresses 
them — His true position-^Death of Mirabeau — Danger and dupli- 
city of the king— Royal family escape-^Lafayette blamed by the 
populace — Vindication— Is offered and rejects the vacant throne-^ 
The king arrested at Varennes and brought back to Paris— Lafay- 
ette receives and protects the royal family — The king suspended- 
Lafayette responsible for his safe custody — The Jacobins demand a 
republick — Mob in the Champ-de-Mars— Lafayette fires upon and 
suppresses it-^The constitution completed — The king restored— 
Lafayette resigns his commission— Retires to Chavagnac — Is de- 
feated as candidate for Mayor of Paris — Is appointed a general of 
the army — Accepts— Reception at Paris — Repairs to Mentz— Letter 
to Gen. Washington— War declared — Reign of Terrour approaches 
—Lafayette remonstrates to the Assembly— His appeal comes too 
late — Insurrection of the 20th June. 

The solemn festival was ended. The national pageant 
passed away. And how soon were the royal oaths, the pa- 
triotick protestations, sworn upon the altar of the countryj 
forgotten ! Of those high functionaries, who thus solemnly- 
pledged themselves before heaven and in the face of the na« 
tion, few besides Lafayette remained iaithful. On the one 
hand, the club of the Jacobins, which afterwards established 
the Reign of Terrour, and deluged France in blood, began 
to exercise a political influence. On the other, the court 
and the nobles continued their intrigues, and aggravated 
and encouraged the popular excesses, for the purpose of 
effecting a counter-revolution. To neither of these extremes 
was the constitution satisfactory. Their respective opin- 
ions of it, may be expressed in the language of Mirabeau s 
*' For a monarchy, it was too democratick, and for a repub# 
lick, there was a king too much." The difficulties of the 
period, and of his position, are thus stated by Lafayette, in 
a letter to Gen. Washington, dated August 26th, 1790. 

"We are disturbed with revolts among the regiments; 
and, as I am constantly attacked on both sides by the aris- 
tGcratick and the factious parties, I do not know to which 
of the two we owe these insurrections. Our safeguard 



240 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE* 

against them is the national guards. There are more than 
a million of armed citizens ; among them, patriotick le« 
gions ; and my influence with them is as great as if 1 had 
accepted the chief command* I have lately lost some of 
my favour with the mob, and displeased the frantick lovers 
of licentiousness, as I am bent on establishing a legal sub- 
ordination. But the nation at large is very thankful to me 
for it. It is not out of the heads of aristocrats to make a 
counter-revolution. Nay, they do what they ca,n, with all 
the crowned heads of Europe, who hate us. But I think 
their plans will be either abandoned or unsuccessful. I am 
rather more concerned at a division that rages in the pop- 
ular party. The club of the Jacobins, and that of '89, 
[afterwards the Fleuillants] as it is called, have divided the 
friends of liberty, who accuse each other, the Jacobins be- 
ing taxed with a disorderly extravagance, and '89 with a 
tincture of ministerial ism and ambition. I am endeavour- 
ing to bring about a reconciliation." 

Mirabeau, the popular orator of the Assembly, had been 
gained over to the side of the court. The flight of the king 
"Was again resolved upon. The people were suspicious of 
the design, and ready for commotion. On the 28th of Feb- 
ruary, 1791, a movement of the populace, instigate(d, as was 
afterwards believed, for the purpose of favouring the flight 
of the king, took place, having for its object the destruction 
of the castle of Vincenhes. That castle was regarded as a 
second Bastile, the tower of which, communicating with 
the Tuileries, was to serve for the escape of the king. 
Lafayette repaired promptly to the spot, and dispersed the 
populace. While he was thus engaged, several hundred 
persons, dependents of the court and palace, repaired to the 
Tuileries, for the purpose^ as was supposed, of carrjing the 
king off ; but Lafayrlte arrived in time to disarm and dis- 
perse these royalist desperadoes, who, from dajrgers being 
found upon them, were called knights of the poignard, 
"This scene (savs Tiiier ) determirted the real pftsition of 
Lafayette. It was clearly shown on this occasion, that, 
placed between the most opposite parties, he was there to 
protect both the person of the king and he constitution. 
His doiii)le victory increased his popularity, his power, and 
the hatred of his enemies. Mirabeau, who wrongfully en- 
couraged the distrust of the court towards him, represented 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE, 241 

his conduct as profoundly hypocritical.'' But Mirabeau, 
who seems to have been sincerely desirous of arresting the 
progress of anarchy, did not live long to enjoy the con- 
fidence of his new friends, or the unbounded popularity and 
influence he possessed in the Assembly. He died, after a 
short illness, on the 20th April. 

So great was the distrust of the people, that the carriage 
of the king was stopped, on his way to St. Clouds, (April 18,) 
by a mob, under the supposition that he meditated flight. 
From this perilous situation he was rescued by Lafayette. 
The king repaired to the Assembly ; complained of the indig- 
nity ; and soon after (23d April) caused a letter to be written 
in his behalf to the foreign ambassadors, contradicting the 
intentions imputed to him of leaving the country, declaring 
his intention to keep the oath he had taken to the constitu- 
tion, and proclaiming as his enemies all who should insinuate 
to the contrary. 

And yet, in the face of these professions, a plan was secret- 
ly maturing, with the agents of the French emigrants and 
foreign powers, for the flight of the royal family. They were 
to proceed to Montmedy, where Gen. Bouille, a rigid friend 
of the court, under the pretext of a movement of the enemy's 
troops on the frontier, had established a camp of such troops 
as he supposed could be relied upon. The queen made all 
the arrangements. She had secured a private door for leav- 
ing the palace. The secret was intrusted only to such 
persons as were indispensable to its execution. In various 
disguises the royal family, one by one, quitted the palace, on 
the night of the 21st of June, and at the place of rendezvous 
took carriages, and proceeded rapidly on their way. They 
travelled under a foreign name and with a fictitious passport. 

Lafayette knew nothing beforehand of these movements. 
Relying upon the royal professions, he had publickly pledged 
himself for the good faith of the king, and that he would not 
leave Paris. On his flight being known in the morning, 
Lafayette immediately sent his aids-de-camp in pursuit, as- 
suming in the order, that the royal family had been carried 
off by enemies of the publick welfare. The people were 
soon in great commotion, assembled in immense crowds at 
the Hotel de Ville, and accused Lafayette of having favoured 
the king's escape. The prompt measures he adopted, his 
fearless and conciliatory deportment, silenced these accusa- 

21 



242 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE, 

tions. Some lamenting the flight as a publick calamitT, 
Lafayette exclaimed, if //iez/ called that event a misfortune^ 
he wished to know what name they would give to a counter- 
revolution which would deprive them of liberty. The same 
eye-witness (Toulongeon) adds, that several voices in the 
multiude were raised to offer Lafayette the vacant placce 
His indignant rejection of the proposition, restored him to 
all his previous popularity. 

The measures promptly taken by Lafayette, were ap- 
proved of by the Assembly. His aidsy having been stopped 
by the people at the barriers, the Assembly ordered the 
gates to be opened to them. One of them, Romeuf, with 
the decree of the Assembly, confirming Lafayette's orders, 
took the road which proved to be that by which the king 
had departed. The next night, the royal fugitives were 
recognized and arrested at Varennes. There, Romeuf 
found them, and delivered to them the decree of the conven- 
tion. The whole royal family expressed great indignation 
against Lafayette, for causing them to be arrested. The 
queen even expressed astonishment (anticipating that he 
would be blamed for the flight of the king) that he had not 
been put to death by the people. Such were royal faith,, 
and royal gratitude ! Romeuf replied, that Lafayette and 
himself had only done their duty ; but they had hoped the 
pursuit would not have been successful. 

The royal family returned to Paris, escorted and protected 
from threatened violence, by the commissoners of the Assem- 
bly, and officers and detachments of the national guards. 
Lafayette, with a numerous guard, took every precaution to 
preserve order. He had gone forward to meet the proces- 
sion, and in his absence an immense crowd had assembled 
around the Tuileries. The royal family were received by 
this crowd in silence, without any token of respect or dis- 
approbation. On discovering the life guards who had ac- 
companied the king in the disguise of couriers, and were 
then seated on the box of the carriage, the populace be- 
came riotous, and violently assailed these guardsmen. — ■ 
They were saved by the interference of Lafayette. The 
Assembly, by a decree, and in conformity with a previous act 
in contemplation of his departure, had suspended the king 
from his functions ; and directed that Lafayette, as com- 
ssiander-in-chief of the national guards, should place a 



IIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 243 

guard over the king, the queen, and the dauphin, and that the 
guard should be personally responsible for their safe custo- 
dy. Lafayette repaired to the apartment of the king, and 
with much delicacy and respect, communicated to him this 
decree of the Assembly, and said to him, " Has your majesty 
any orders to give me T" " It appears to me," replied the 
king, with a smile, " that I am more under your orders than 
you are under mine." The queen, however, was quite ir- 
ritated, and made some disdainful remarks, which Lafayette 
bore with his usual composure and kindness. 

The flight of the king had increased the popular preju- 
dice against him, and emboldened the Jacobin clubs, who, 
with Pietion and Robespierre at their head, openl)^ demanded 
a republick. They contended that the king by his flight 
had abdicated the throne. Lafayette, with a majority of 
the Assembly, were desirous of sustaining the king and the 
eonstitution ; of securing what had been gained ; justly fear- 
ing that the French people were not prepared for a purely 
republican government, and that anarchy, which already 
threatened, would lead to the restoration of the old monar- 
chical system, or to inevitable despotism. The Assembly, 
after investigatirng the subject of the king's journey, and 
receiving from him a disavowal of his* intention to leave the 
kingdom, that he merely went for the purpose of ascertains- 
ing the publick opinion, which he was satisfied was in fa- 
vour of the constitution, and pledging himself, therefore, to 
support it ; declared that the king was not culpable, that 
he had not forfeited the throne, and could not be brought 
to trial, on account of his late journey. 

On this decision being announced, the Jacobins were in 
commotion. They excited the multitude to resistance. 
They drew up a petition, in which they denied the compe- 
tency of the Assembly, appealed from it to the sovereignty 
of the people, considered Louis XVI as a private citizen, 
since he had fled, and demanded a substitute for him. On 
the 17th of July, (1791,) the anarchists assembled in 
great numbers in the Champ. de-Mars. Lafayette repaired 
thither, broke down the barricades which had been erected; 
and after a narrow escape from a musket that was fired 
at him, succeeded in persuading the populace to retire. 
The mob, however, soon after returned ; murdered two 
invalids and paraded their heads upon pikes, and threat- 



244 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE, 

ened further violence, Bailly, the mayor, hastened to the 
scene ; was several times fired upon by the mob, but with 
intrepid courage proclaimed martial law, and summoned 
the mob to disperse. Lafayette again arrived with the 
guards ; he at first ordered a few shots to be fired into the 
air. The rioters persisting, he was compelled to give the 
word^re / and several of the agitators were killed. To ar- 
rest the ardour of the guards, Lafayette placed himself in 
front of the cannon, which was about to be again fired. 
The astonished gunner drew back ; and the mob dispersed 
Mrithout further bloodshed, Lafayette deemed it his duty, 
and thus unshrinkingly risked his popularity and his lite, 
to preserve the constitution and laws. By this energetick 
course, the factions M^ere overawed, and publick tranquillity 
for some time longer preserved. 

The constituent Assembly at length completed its labours, 
and presented the constitutional act, which embraced the 
several articles that had been adopted, and the decrees rel- 
ative thereto, to the king for his acceptance. The king, 
restored to the freedom and the powers he had enjoyed 
previous to his departure, after deliberating for several days, 
repaired to the Assembly and announced his acceptance of 
the constitutional act entire. The enthusiastick expres- 
sions of approbation by the deputies and the populace, on 
this occasion, indicated that the king had obtained anew 
the confidence and affections of the people. Lafayette, 
" who never forgot (says Thiers), to repair the inevitable 
evils of political troubles," proposed a general amnesty for 
all acts connected with the revolution, which was proclaim, 
ed amidst shouts of joy, and the prisons were instantly 
thrown open. 

After providing for the election of deputies for a new 
Assembly, to which its own members were declared ineligi- 
ble, the constituent Assembly terminated its sittings. 

Deeming the purposes of his appointment accomplished, 
Lafayette resigned his office of commandant of the national 
guards ; and on the 8th of October, took leave of them in 
an affectionate and instructive letter. " To serve you until 
this day, gentlemen, (he said,) was a duty imposed upon me 
by the sentiments which have animated my whole life ; it 
was but the return of fidelity to which your confidence was 
entitled. To resign now, without reserve, to my country all 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 245 

the power and influences he gave me for the purpose of de- 
fending her during recent convulsions, — ^^this is a duty I owe 
to my well known resolutions, and it amply satisfies the only 
species of ambition, I possess." 

, His faithful guards parted with their beloved commander 
with deep regret. They presented to him the statue of 
Washington, and a sword forged from the bolts of the Bas- 
tile. Lafayette, also, on the 8th October, delivered a fare- 
well address to the commune, and quitted the capital for the 
place of his nativity, about one hundred and twenty leagues 
from Paris. Every where on his journey, he was received 
by the people with the warmest tokens of honour and 
affection. 

The first act of the new Legislative Assembly, was sol- 
emnly to take the oath- to support the constitution. But 
violations of that sacred compact, by this same Assembly, 
instigated by the Jacobins and other factions of Paris, soon 
followed in profusion. " The infkience (asserts Dumas), 
which the capital had exercised in the conquest of liberty 
was equally necessary to preserve the fruits of it. This 
support failed us. Publick order rested solely on the zeai 
and good spirit of the national guard and the municipal 
authorities. General Lafayette, the commander-in-chief, 
and M. Bailly, the mayor of Paris, had acquired the entire 
confidence of all classes of citizens. They were the soul of 
this great body ; in their wisdom, their firmness, their per- 
fect understanding, the publick force in all its intensity re- 
sided. General Lafayette had fulfilled all his engagements ; 
he had no other proofs to give of his disinterested devoted- 
ness, than by laying down this species of popular dictator- 
ship, which the esteem and affection of the entire mass of the 
nation had conferred on him, He bid adieu to the nation- 
al guard, and retired to his estate at Chevagnac. His 
loss was irreparable." * * * * * :^ 

" The respectable M. Bailly, mayor of Paris, who notwith- 
standing his ill health, had remained at his post only at the 
repeated entreaties of M. Lafayette, soon followed his exam- 
ple and retired." 

The friends of liberty and order, however, sought to re- 
store to Paris the presence and services of Lafayette, by pro- 
curing his election as mayor- But the court party hoping 
more from the instability of the opposing faction, than from 

21* 



246 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

the known principles and firmness of Lafayette, threw the 
weight of its influence in favour of Petion, and thus confirmed 
the power of the Jacobins and sealed its own destiny. " M. 
de Lafayette" said the queen to de Melville, minister of ma- 
rines, " only wished to be mayor of Paris, in order afterwards 
to be mayor of the palace. Petion is a Jacobin and a repub- 
lican, but he is too great a fool ever to be capable of becom- 
ing the head of a party." 

But Lafayette did not long enjoy the retirement to which 
he had looked forward with hope and anxiety, as expressed 
in his letters to Gen. Washington, with whom he had regu- 
larly kept up a correspondence. The royalist emigrants, 
continually increasing in number, were assembling in hostile 
force upon the frontiers of the nation. The coalition of 
foreign powers against France was developing. These 
threatened dangers united the king and the Assembly (De- 
cember, 1791) in measures of defence. Three armies of 
fifty thousand men each, were to be assembled on the Rhine, 
and Luckner, Rochambeau, and Lafayette, were the gener- 
als appointed to command them. The last name, when 
announced to the Assembly, was received with applause. 
Lafayette repaired promptly to Paris, and appeared before 
the Assembly, where he was cordially received. In addres- 
sing him, the President remarked, that the nation confident, 
ly opposed to its enemies, the constitution and Lafayette^ 
" Battalions'! of the national guard (says Thiers) escorted 
him on leaving Paris, and every thing proved to him that 
the name of Lafayette was not forgotten, but that he was 
still regarded as one of the founders of liberty." 

In a letter to Gen. Washington, dated at Head-quarters, 
Mentz, .January 22, 1792, Lafayette said : 

"This is a very different date from that which had an- 
nounced to you my return to the sweets of private life ; a 
situation hitherto not very familiar to me, but which, after 
fifteen revolutionary years, I had become quite fit to enjoy. 
I have given you an account of the quiet and rural mode of 
living I had adopted in the mountains where I was born, 
having there a good house, and a late manor, now unlorded 
into a large farm, vi^ith an English overseer for my instruc- 
tion. I felt myself very happy among my neighbours, no 
more vassals to me nor any body, and had given to my wife 
and rising family the only quiet weeks they had enjoyed for a 



LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. 247 

long time, when the threats and mad preparations of the refu- 
gees, and still more the countenance they had obtained in the 
dominions of our neighbours, induced the National Assembly 
and the king to adopt a more rigorous system than had hith- 
erto been the case." * * * "I had refused every publick 
employment, that had been offered by the people, and still 
more had I denied my consent to my being appointed to 
any military command ; but when I saw our liberties and 
constitution were seriously threatened, and my services could 
be usefully employed in fighting for our old cause, I could no 
longer resist the wishes of my countrymen ; and, as soon as 
the king's express reached my farm, I set out for Paris; 
from thence to this place ; and I do not think it uninterest- 
ing to you, my dear general, to add, that I was every where 
on the road affectionately welcomed." 

These measures, sanctioned by the king, with warm pro- 
testations to meet firmly the crisis of war, should the emi- 
grants and foreign powers persist in their hostile prepara- 
tions, revived confidence between the king and the nation » 
The question of war became the leading one in the Assem- 
bly. The Girondins, or moderate Jacobins, were in favour 
of war. The radical Jacobins, with Robespierre at their 
head, were opposed to it. They seemed to fear that war 
would give too many advantages to Lafayette, and finally 
ensure to him the military dictatorship. The Girondins, 
however, supposed, and several historians of the times have 
confirmed this supposition, that the Jacobins, being in the 
interests of the Duke of Orleans, and regarding Lafayette 
as his rival, or an obstacle to his designs, advocated peace, 
to deprive Lafayette of tlie reputation and influence which, 
from his known valour and patriotism, war would inevitably 
ensure to him. 

In the mean time (to quote again the authority of M* 
Thiers) " Lafayette, young, active, and anxious to distin- 
guish himself in the service of his country, re-established 
discipline among his troops, and overcame all the difficulties 
raised by the ill will of the officers, who were the aristocrats 
of the army. He called them together, and addressing 
them in the language of honour, he told them they must 
quit the camp if they would not serve loyally ; that, if any 
of them wished to retire, he would undertake to procure for 
them pensions in France, or passports for foreign countries ;, 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 



but that, if they persisted in serving, he expected from them' 
zeal and fideUty. In this manner, he contrived to introduce 
into his army better order than that which prevailed in any 
of the others." 

But, amidst the increasing indications of a foreign welt, 
the reign of anarchy in the government of France, seemed 
as rapidly approaching. Duplicity governed the councils 
of the king, and factions, internal and external, influenced 
the Assembly. Of this state of things, Lafayette was pain- 
fully aware, and yet entertained hopes of a favourable 
change. Being called to Paris, to attend a conference with 
the other generals and the ministers, Lafayette wrote to 
Gen. Washington, March 15, 1792, giving him a statement 
of affairs. "You see (he said in conclusion) that al- 
though we have many causes to be as yet unsatisfied, we 
may hope every thing may become right. Licentious- 
ness, under the mask of patriotism, is our greatest evil, as 
it threatens property, tranquillity, and liberty itself." 

War being at length declared against Austria, (April 20,) 
Lafayette was directed to perform the principal part in a 
precipitate plan of attack projected by the minister, Du- 
mouriez, against the Netherlands. Lafayette executed his 
orders with surprising activity, collecting the scattered 
corps of his army, and traversing a space of more than sixty 
leagues in six days. Ho was marching towards Namur, 
had encountered an enemy's corps, and the firing had actu- 
ally begun, when news of the defection and retreat of two 
detachments of Rochambeau's army, which v/ere to co-ope- 
rate with him, made it necessary for him to retire. This 
he did, in good order, concentrating his forces in their for- 
mer position. And in this first effort of the armies of the 
constitution, " the army of Lafayette alone, (says Dumas) 
attached to its general, had retained its discipline." Far 
different would probably have been the result of this first 
expedition, and the fate of the constitutional goyernment, 
had the chief command been intrusted to Lafayette, as the 
most prudent friends of the nation desired. But through 
the influence of the court and the Jacobin factions, to each 
of whom Lafayette was a terrour, the request was denied. 
Nor were the plans and advice of the brave Rochambeau, 
who had served with so much credit in America, heeded by 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 249 

the ambitious minister, at that time the joint representative 
of the court and the Jacobin factions. 

The days of terrour were rapidly approaching. The 
court, the king and the queen, the factions of the Assembly 
and of the clubs, in their jealousies and dissensions, their 
endeavours to thwart each other's designs, and to secure 
power for themselves, were accelerating the crisis. The 
infamous Marat, like a hungry wolf, prowling for prey, was 
urging on the populace to deeds of blood. Dumouriez, the 
minister, after having induced the king to dismiss his col- 
leagues, among v/hom was the celebrated Roland, was him- 
self compelled to resign. But such changes were of almost 
daily occurrence. The king was deprived of his guards, 
his constitutional powers disregarded, and his personal 
safety threatened. And yet, the queen and the court were 
obstinately bent on their counter-revolutionary projects. 
Some of the members of the constitutional party opened a 
correspondence with Lafayette, to induce him to exert his 
influence to stay the torrent which threatened to overwhelm 
all that had been gained for liberty. Willing at all times 
to interpose his reputation and his life for rational freedom 
and the welfare of his country, Lafayette, on the 16th of 
June, 1792, addressed from his camp at Maubeuge, a letter 
to the president of the Legislative Assembly. " This docu- 
ment (says Dumas) must be considered as one of the most 
valuable we possess, because it characterises better than 
any other the true situation of France at that period." 

Aftering boldly admonishing the Assemby, upon all sub- 
jects of vital interest to the country, he said : 

" Let the royal power be inviolate, for it is guaranteed 
by the constitution ; let it be independent, for this indepen- 
dence is one of the stays of our liberty ; let the king be re- 
vered, for he is invested with the majesty of the nation ; 
let him be able to choose a ministry which wears the chains 
of no faction; and if there are conspirators, let them not 
perish but under the sword of the law. 

" Lastly, let the reign of the clubs, annihilated by you, 
give way to the reign of the law ; their usurpations, to the 
firm and independent exercise of the constituted authorities ; 
their disorganizing maxims, to the principles of liberty ; 
their insensate fury, to the calm and constant courage of a 
nation which knows its rights and defends them ; lastly, 



250 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

their sectarian combinations, to the real interests of the 
country, which, in this moment of danger, ought to unite 
all those who do not see in its subjugation and its ruin, the 
objects of attrocious enjoyment and an infamous specu- 
lation." 

In conclusion, he said : — 

" Gentlemen ! I have obeyed the voice of my conscience 
and my duty. I owed it to my country, to you, to the king, 
and above all to myself, whom the chances of war do not 
allow to delay the observations which I conceive to be use- 
ful, and who take pleasure in believing that the National 
Assembly will consider it as a new testimony of my devo- 
tedness to its constitutional authority, and of my personal 
gratitude and respect." * 

This letter was read in the Assembly on the 18th of June. 
It was listened to with respectful attention. It was warm- 
ly applauded by a large portion of the Assembly and re^ 
ceived by the others without any marks of disapprobation. 
A motion to print it was carried ; but a motion to distrib- 
ute it to all the departments, aroused the hostility of the Jac- 
chins, by whom the letter was bitterly denounced. Some 
members affected to deny the authenticity of the letter. 
" Even if it were not signed," exclaimed one member, " none 
but M. de Lafayette could have written it." " The Assem^ 
bly ought to receive (said another), from the lips of Lafay- 
ette truths which it had not dared to tell itself." It was 
finally referred to a committee for the avowed purpose of 
verifying its authenticity. 

It was too late for an appeal so sincere, bold, and patri- 
otick, to have more than a momentary influence. On the 20th 
of June, an immense armed mob collected in defiance of the 
prohibitions of the publick authorities. The avowed object 
of the Jacobin leaders, was, to present petitions to the king 
and the Assembly. The account which is given of this 
insurrectionary movement, by M. Thiers, is pronounced to 
be correct by Count Dumas, who was an eye-witness. It 
may convey to the reader a faint idea of those tempestuous 
and bloody tumults which so frequently occurred during the 
further progress of the French revolution, until despotism 



* For the whole of this interesting document, see Dumas' Memoir i 
of the French Revolution, Vol, I. p^219, &c. 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE, 2^1 

pit an end to anarchy. The Assembly was debating 
whether to admit the mob, which was already at its doors : 

" All at once, (says Thiers,) the petitioners rushed into the hall. 
The Assembly, indignant at the intrusion, rose ; the president put on 
his hat, and the petitioners quietly withdrew. The Assembly, grati- 
fied by this mark of respect, consented to admit them. 

" This petition, the tone of which was most audacious, expressed the 
prevailing idea of all the petitions of that period. * The people are 
ready. They wait but for you. They are disposed to employ great 
means for carrying into execution Article 2 of the declaration of 

rights — resistance to oppression Let the minority among 

you, whose sentiments do not agree with ours, cease to pollute the 
land of liberty, and betake yourselves to Coblentz. Investigate the 
cause of the evils which threaten us. If it proceeds from the execu- 
tive, let the executive be annihilated 1' 

" The president, after a reply in which he promised the petitioners 
the vigilance of the representatives of the people, and recommended 
obedience to the laws, granted them in the name of the Assembly, 
permission to file off" before it. The doors were then thrown open, 
and the mob, amounting at that moment to at least thirty thousand 
persons, passed through the hall. It is easy to conceive what the im- 
agination of the populace, abandoned to itself, is capable of produ- 
cing. Enormous tables, upon which lay the . declaration of rights, 
headed the procession. Around these tables danced women and 
children, bearing olive-branches and pikes, that is to say, peace or 
war at the option of the enemy. They sang in chorous the famous 
Ca ira. Then came the porters of the markets, the working men of 
all classes, with wretched muskets, swords, and sharp pieces of iron 
fastened to the end of thick bludgeons. Santerreand the Marquis de 
St. Hurugues, who had already attracted notice on the 5th and 6th of 
October, marched with drawn swords at their head. Battallions of 
the national guard followed in good order, to prevent tumult by their 
presence. After them came women and more armed men. Waving 
flags were inscribed with the words, ' The constitution or death.' 
Ragged breeches were held up in the air with shouts of Vivent les 
sans-culottes ! Lastly, an atrocious sign was displayed to add fero- 
city to the whimsicality of the spectacle. On the point of a pike 
was borne a calf's heart, with this inscription : ' Heart of an arris- 
tocrat.' 

" Grief and indignation burst forth at this sight. The horrid em- 
blem instantly disappeared, but was again exhibited at the gates of 
the Tuileries, The applause of the tribunes, the shouts of the peo- 
pie passing through the hall, the civick songs, the confused uproar, 
and the silence of the anxious Assembly, composed an extraordinary 
scene, and at the same time an afflicting one to the very deputies 
who viewed the multitude as an auxiliary." 



252 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 



CHAPTER XXV. 

Lafayette indignant at the outrages in Paris — Remonstrances of the 
army — Lafayette repairs to Paris— Appears before the Assembly — 
Denounces the Jacobins—- Accused and defended — Received with 
coldness by the king and queen — Enthusiasm of the populace — 
Lafayette returns to the army — Conciliation of factions in the As- 
sembly — New outbreaks of the populace — Lafayette sees the ap- 
proach of the tempest — His plan for the safety of the king and 
queen — Rejected by them— -Opposing project and views of Gover- 
neur Morris — The dethronement of the king proposed by the Jaco- 
bins — Accusation against Lafayette— He is acquitted by the Assem- 
bly—Last gleamof justice— Fearful insurrection of the 10th August 
—Suspension of the royal authority— Final imprisonment of the 
king and family— Account of these events by Theirs and Dumas 
— Lafayette refuses to acknowledge the Jacobin authorities^— Causes 
the imprisonment of their commissioners — The Assembly declare 
Lafayette a traitor— Jacobinism infects the armies — Luckner and 
Dumouriez submit — Lafayette leaves France — His arrest and im- 
prisonment in Austria and Prussia. 

Lafayette received the account of these outrages with 
pain and indignation. The great majority of the army- 
participated in his sentiments and feelings, and addresses 
-expressive of their indignation were presented to him from 
several of his regiments. To these he put a stop in an order 
of the day, in which he promised to express in person the 
feelings of the whole army. With the concurrence of Gen, 
Luckner, his superiour in command, after taking precau- 
tions that his absence should not be detrimental to the mil- 
itary operations, he hastened to Paris, to confirm before the 
Legislative Assembly what he had written on the 16th, and 
to confront, for the sake of liberty and order, the greatest 
dangers. He arrived in Paris on the 28th of June, and the 
same day appeared before the Assembly. An immense con- 
course had repaired hither, learning his arrival, and antici» 
pating his presence. Lafayette in the first place explained 
the motives of his coming. It had been asserted that his 
letter of the 16th was not written by himself: he came to 
avow it, and to repeat its sentiments, in his own name, and 
in behalf of his brave army, who were already asking them- 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 253 

selves " if it is really the cause of liberty and the constitu- 
tion that they are defending.*' He concluded his speech in 
the following terms : " I beseech the National Assembly to 
order that the instigators of the crimes and acts of violence 
committed in the Tuileries on the 20(h of June, be prosecu. 
ted and punished as guilty of treason to the nation ; to de- 
stroy a sect which usurps the sovereignty, tyrannizes over 
the citizens, and whose publick debates leave no doubt of the 
atrocity of the projects of those who direct them. Lastly, 
I venture to beseech you, in ray name, and in the name of 
all honest people in the kingdom, to take effectual measures 
to ensure respect to the constituted authorities, especially 
your own and that of the king, and to give the army the 
assurance that the constitution shall not receive any injury 
in the interiour, while the brave French lavish their blood in 
defence of the frontiers." 

Lafayette was admitted to the honours of the sitting, 
amidst the applauses of a large portion of the Assembly. 
But his speech was immediately attacked by the leaders of 
the factions. Guadet, in his ironical manner, asked if the 
Austrian army was beaten. " No," said he, " our enemies 
are still the same — our external situation has not changed^ 
and yet the general of our armies is at Paris." He accu- 
sed Lafayette of coming to dictate to the Assembly, and 
moved an inquiry as to his culpability, and the propriety 
of prohibiting generals commanding an army from present- 
ing petitions at the bar of the Assembly. 

Raymond, a patriot delegate, answered. He referred to 
the armed multitude which had been permitted, on the 20th 
of the same month, to appear at the bar, and march through 
the hall of the Assembly. " Now, (said he) M. Lafayette, 
who has given to the nation as security his whole fortune, 
his whole life, a reputation of more value than liie and for- 
tune, appears at the bar, and suspicions and alarms are 
expressed, and passions are unchained." Raymond, after 
justifying the step taken by Lafayette, and the measures he 
had adopted to avert the publick danger, proposed that his 
petition should be referred to the extraordinary committee, 
which should deliberate on the matter, and report in as 
short a time as possible. Priority was given to this propo^ 
sition over that of Guadet, and it was adopted by the As- 
sembly. 

22 



'254 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

Lafayette left the Assembly, surrounded by a numerous 
train of deputies and soldiers of the national guards, his old 
companions in arms. He repaired to the palace, and was 
received with indifference, Thiers says with coldness, by 
the king and queen. But Lafayette was nevertheless desi- 
rous of making an effort to unite the old national guards, 
and to arrest at once the violent measures of the Jacobins. 
The king was next day to have reviewed four thousand men 
of the national guards. Lafayette asked permission to ac- 
company him, apprising him at the same time of his inten- 
tion, as soon as his majesty had retired, of addressing the 
troops. But the court did every thing in its power to thwart 
Lafayette, and Petion, the mayor, countermanded the review 
an hour before daylight. " On leaving the Tuileries (says 
Thiers) a numerous concourse escorted him to his residence, 
shouting " Long live Lafayette !" and even planted a May 
[liberty poll] before his gate. These demonstrations of old 
attachment touched the general and intimidated the Jaco- 
bins." He was unable, however, from the duplicity of the 
court, and the distracted views of the constitutionalists, to 
turn these generous feelings to the advantage of his country, 
Lafayette, therefore, after remaining, to the great terrour 
of the Jacobins, one day longer in Paris, returned to his 
army. 

Fickleness and change, frequent alternations of the better 
and baser passions, characterized the period. On the 7th 
of July, after a stormy session in the Assembly, the Bishop 
of Lyons closed an eloquent appeal in favour of harmony 
in the support of constitutional freedom, as follows : " Let 
us swear to have but one spirit, but one sentiment. Let us 
swear everlasting fraternity ! Let the enemy know that 
what we will, we all will, and the country is saved !" 

These generous sentiments of the Bishop were applauded 
by the Assembly. " Amidst universal acclamations (says 
Thiers) they devoted to publick execration any project for 
changing the constitution, either by two chambers or by a 
republick ; and the members rushed from the opposite bench. 
es to embrace one another. Those who had attacked and 
those who had defended Lafayette, the veto, the civil list, the 
factions, and the traitors, were clasped in each other's arms. 
All distinctions ceased ; there was no longer any right or 
left side, and all the members sat indiscriminately together.'^ 



MFE OF LAFAYETTE.. 255 

" It was immediately decided., that they should inform the 
provinces, the army, and the king, of this happy event." 

The king, on being apprised by the deputation, hastened 
to the Assembly, and expressed in person his satisfaction 
at this reconciliation. But, alas J for human instability ! 
Scarcely a day passed before the old animosities returned ; 
and mutual jealousies and denunciations were renewed. The 
insurrectionary spirit became more general and violent. The 
king considered himself in great personal danger, and took 
precaution to guard against poison and the dagger. But 
his dangers were of a more formidable nature — the weapons 
he had to encounter were more potent than insidious poi- 
son or the assassin's dagger : they were the whirlwind of 
popular fury, and the forms of law administered by judges 
predetermined upon conviction. 

Lafayette saw the rapid approaches of the impending tem- 
pest. And notwithstanding the weakness of the king, the 
wickedness of the court, and the ingratitude with which he 
continued to be treated loy both, he made one more effort to 
avert the fatal catastrophe which threatened, by removing 
the king for a time beyond the influence of the infuriated 
populace of Paris. 

He proposed that the king should in open day repaid- 1% 
the Assembly, and announce his intention of spending some 
days at Compiegne. For this journey Lafayette was to pro- 
vide a safe conduct ; and when at Compiegne, the king was 
to be protected by the national guards of that place, and two 
regiments under Gen. Latour Maubourg. He was there, in 
perfect freedom and safety, to declare for the constitution and 
interpose his influence and authority against the emigrants 
and foreign invaders of the country. Though the king was 
strongly solicited by some of his friends, to place confidence 
in Lafayette, the sinister advice of the counter-revolutionists 
prevailed, and the proposal of Lafayette was rejectedo 
When the queen was asked, by what strange infatuation she 
and the king had come to such a decision, she replied, that 
they were very grateful for Lafayette's intention, " but,'* 
she added, " the -best thing that could happen to us, would 
be, to be confined two months in a tower !" The queen is 
said also to have remarked : " it would be too much to owe 
our lives once more to Lafayette." 

It appears from the memoirs of Governeur Morris, then 



256 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

minister of the United States to France, that a plan for the 
escape of the royal family, more congenial to the views and 
purposes of the royalists, was at the same time in progress. 
Mr. Morris himself, whose political views were adverse to 
those of Lafayette, and congenial with those of the court, 
was accessary to this plan ; and the king's money was in- 
trusted to his keeping. It is probable that Lafayette's pro- 
position was discountenanced by xMr. Morris, and that he 
had no small influence in causing its rejection. His own, 
or that in which he bore a part, was exploded by the insur- 
rectionary events of the 10th of August. Mr. Morris thus 
relates in his Diary a previous conversation (June 59) 
with Lafayette, in which their respective political views 
are indicated : "I observe to him, that he must soon return 
to his army, or go to Orleans ; and that he must determine 
to fight for a good constitution, or for that wretched piece of 
paper which bears the name ; that in six weeks it will be 
too late. He asks what I mean by a good constitution, 
whether it is an aristocratick one ? I answer yes, and that 
I presume he has lived long enough in the present style to 
see, that a popular government is good for nothing in 
France. He says that he wishes for the American consti- 
tution, but a hereditary executive. I reply, that in that 
case the monarch must be too strong, and must be checked 
^y a hereditary Senate. He says, it goes hard with him 
to give up that point. Here ends our colloquy." Mr. Mor- 
ris had previously discountenanced the king's reliance upon 
Lafayette's project of appealing to the patriotism of the na- 
tional guards. "I tell him (June 28) that Lafayette's 
visit can produce nothing, and that he must exert himself 
to bring forward the Picards." Mr. Morris enjoyed the 
confidence of the king and court. Lafayette did not. It 
was none to his discredit. But, between the intrigues of 
the royalists, and the madness of th© anarchists;, his patri- 
otick designs were frustrated. 

In the mean time the plans of the Jacobins were ripen- 
ing into insurrection ; and the deposition of the king was 
openly advocated in the Assembly. On the 3d of August, 
Petion, the mayor of Paris, presented a petition, in behalf 
of the 48 sections, proposing in their name, the dethrone- 
ment of the king. It was a preliminary, and a primary 
0-bject with the factionists, to destroy the character and 



I.IFE OP LAFAYETTE, 257 

influence of Lafayette. The report of the committee of 
twelve, was demanded and made, and furnished no cause of 
accusation. The Jacohin orators in the Assembly denoun- 
ced Lafayette in the most bitter terms, and endeavoured to 
hurry through a decree for his impeachment. They had 
obtained from Marshal Luckner, some declarations which 
they construed into an admission, that Lafayette had pro- 
posed to him to march the army upon Paris, Bureau de 
Puzy, chief of Lafayette's staff, was called to the bar of the 
Assembly, to testify. He boldly and ably defended Lafay-- 
ette from the aspersions of his enemies. In conclusion, he 
defied his calumniators to resist the truths which he had 
just declared : " Without any arms but truth," said he, " i 
will attacli them, and after stripping them of their hypocrit- 
ical garb of probity and patriotism, under which they dis- 
guise themselves, I will deliver them naked in all their de»- 
formity to the indignation of honest men." Marshal Luck- 
ner, at the same time addressed a letter to the Assembly,- 
contradicting the declarations imputed to him upon which 
the denunciations against Lafayette had been founded. 
He declared that Lafayette had never proposed to him di- 
rectly or indirectly, to march against Paris ; he repelled 
those odious calumnies, and ascribed to his slender knowledge 
of the French language the false inferences that had been 
drawn from his conversations. 

On the 8th of August, after a violent speech from Bris- 
sot, which concluded by demanding, that the Assembly 
should immediately pronounce the decree of impeachment 
against Lafayette, the vote was taken : For the impeach- 
ment 224; against it 406 — majority 182. Justice, for the 
last time in that Assembly, prevailed. 

" It "was (says Dumas in his memoirs) a last and deceitful ray of 
hope. The torch of truth was on the point of being extinguished. 
As soon as the decree was pronounced, and the sitting closed, cries 
of rage and imprecations burst from the galleries, and were repeated 
by the tumultuous crowd who surrounded the hall and obstructed all 
access to it. The deputies whom the factions had chiefly remarked 
during the debate, and whom, they pointed out to the assassins, were 
insulted, attacked, pursued out of the hall in different directions. 
Dumolard, Vaublanc, Daverhoult, Quatremere, Froudiere, with dif-^ 
ficulty took refuge in the guardhouse of the court of the palais roy- 
al, and found no other means of escaping the popular rage than by 
getting out of a window. I too had my share in this ill-usage. I' 
was going out by the narrow paesage which led from the hall to the 

22* 



258 - LIFE OF LAFAYETTE., 

convent of the Capuchins, where our bureaux were situated, when I 
was surrounded by a group of market women. Trodden under foot 
by these furies, I should have perished under their blows, if Girardin, 
who followed me, and called to my assistance two door-keepers of 
the Assembly, had not freed me by dragging me by the legs out of 
the passage. During this struggle, an individual whom I will not 
name, and who, in the mutual massacre of the terrorists, afterwards 
perished on the scaffold, encouraged these women. 

" I heard him say distinctly, ' It is he ! it is Dumas !' I must also 
say that some of our most ardent adversaries , placing us between 
them, favoured our departure. I concealed as well as I could the dis- 
order of my head-dress and of my torn clothes, and took refuge in 
the depot of the war-office, of which I was still director, and which I 
had caused to be transferred from Versailles to the house of M. De- 
ville, in the Place Vendome, near the Chancery." 

On the 10th of August, 1792, took place that fearful in- 
surrection for which Danton. Murat, Robespierre, and their 
subordinate spirits, had been preparing the populace of Pa- 
ris. The palace of the Tuileries was surrounded by an 
infuriate mob. Louis the XVI was insulted and threatened 
by the very troops assembled for his defence. Maudat, the 
commandant of the national guards, was assassinated. — 
The king and royal family repaired for refuge to the Na- 
tional Assembly. The palace was assailed and finally cap- 
tured by the mob. The Swiss guard, and others who re- 
sisted, were massacred. The shoots of victory were raised ;, 
the mob, intoxicated wdth joy and fury, burst open the 
doors of the Assembly, and the halls were filled with the 
spoils of the palace. For fifteen hours, the king and roya!: 
family, confined to the narrow box of a reporter, witnessed 
these scenes, and listened to the demands made upon the 
Assembly for the dethronement of the king, and to the de- 
bates thereon. At length a decree was adopted, suspending 
the royal authority and convoking a convention to decide 
the question of the king^s dethronement. The king and his 
family were soon consigned to the temple, which was con- 
verted by outworks into a kind of fortress. Here they were 
strongly guarded, and no one was allowed to enter without 
permission from the municipality. Here they were confined 
until led forth to the guillotine. 

It is not our purpose to give a connected history of this 
eventful period. It comes only within our limits and legiti- 
mate objects, to notice briefly those events with which La». 
fayette was connected, or which influenced his action. 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 259 

Count Dumas, whom we have before quoted, bears witness 
to the correctness of the narrative of M. Thiers, particularly 
as to the events of the 10th of August, and those connected 
therewith. To this writer we refer for the interesting and 
heart-rending details of the commencement and progress 
of the Reign of Terrour, which here had its bloody begin- 
ning. We add, however, in conformity with our object 
above mentioned, two extracts from these writers. 

" After the work of slaughter [at the palace, states M. Thiers] foL 
lowed that of devastation. The magnificent furniture was dashed in 
pieces, and the fragments scattered far and wide. The rabble pene^ 
trated into the private apartments of the queen and indulged in the 
most obscene mirth. They pried into the most secret recesses, ran- 
sacked every depository of papers, broke open every lock, and enjoyed 
the twofold gratification of curiosity and destruction. To the horrours 
of murder and pillage were added those of conflagration. The flames 
having already consumed the sheds contiguous to the outer courts,, 
began to spread to the edifice, and threatened that imposing abode of 
royalty with complete ruin. The desolation was not confined to the 
melancholy circuit of the palace ; it extended to a distance. The 
streets were strewed with wrecks of furniture and dead bodies. Every 
one who fled, or was supposed to be fleeing, was treated as an enemy, 
pursued, and fired at. An almost incessant report of musketry suc- 
ceeded that of the cannon, and was every moment the signal of fresh 
murders." 

"The Place Vendome (says Dumas) was fi:lled with the crowd 
which followed the wretches with heads on their pikes. Above all, I 
beheld with horrour very young men, even children, playing with 
heads, throwing them into the air, and receiving them on the ends of 
sticks. This passed but a short time before the discharge of fire-arms 
in the attack and assault of the palace of the Tiiileries. * * * * 
* * A little later, in the midst of this tumult, we saw the famous 
Teroigne, on horseback, in a scarlet riding habit, followed by a great 
number of workmen, carrying ropes and all sorts of tools. She rode 
round the statue of Louis XIV, insulting the great monarch, and. 
crying, ' Fall, tyrant.' The iron railing which surrounded the pedes- 
tal was torn away in an instant ; they scaled and put ropes round the 
head, neck, and croup of the horse ;: they made long and fruitless 
exertions, but it was not until the next day, after they had defaced 
the pedestal and filed the screws and the fastenings, that they could 
move the mass. It fell on the pavement, and was i)roken in several 
pieces." 

No wonder that the first impulse of Lafayette, on receiv- 
ing the news of these horrid events, was resistance. The 
Assembly had promptly sent three commissioners, to an- 
nounce the new order of things to the army, and to obtaio. 
their adhesion to the new authorities. These commission- 
ers, on arriving at Sedan, the head-quarters of Lafayette?. 



260 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

were imprisoned by the municipalities of that place, By the 
directions of Lafayette, as the instruments of faction, which 
had intimidated by violence the National Assembly and the 
king. His army, and the authorities of Sedan, renewed their 
oath to the constitution. On learning the imprisonment 
of these commissioners, the Assembly, greatly exasperated, 
and influenced by the self-constituted municipal authorities of 
the Jacobins, sent other commissioners to demand the libe- 
ration of those who had been imprisoned ; and, on the morn- 
ing of the 19th of August, declared Lafayette a traitor to 
the country, and passed a decree of accusation against him. 
In the mean time, the agents of the Jacobins had suc- 
ceeded in diffusing the spirit of that faction, under the spe- 
©ious name of republicanism, among the soldiers and the 
subordinate officers of the armies. Luckner and Dumouriez, 
the associate generals of Lafayette, had yielded. The civil 
authorities, being intimidated, submitted to the new com- 
missioners. What remained for Lafayette to do ? Sub- 
mission to the new authorities, would have been yielding 
his life to his enemies, and the enemies of constitutional 
liberty. A further resistance would have involved his coun- 
try in civil war. The officers and soldiers of his army 
would have sustained their general. The friends of order 
might have rallied around him. But as the champion of 
liberty, he could not have succeeded. The wild impulses of 
the period were towards a different goal. He could have 
conquered only, as Napoleon did in after time, in the char- 
acter of a military despot. Romance and enthusiasm may 
regret here, the absence of a catastrophe. Had Lafayette 
rushed forward, to die or conquer, it would have been more 
congenial with what the world calls heroism. But his 
country's good was ever with him the ruling motive. He 
sought not conquest or glory. The name of Lafayette will 
be remembered and revered, while that of Napoleon will be 
condemned or forgotten. Lafayette had done all, short of 
the sacrifices of life and the consistency of a virtuous char- 
acter, which he could do for his country. 

" Who does the best his circumstance allows, 
Does well, acts nobly — angels could no more." 

He therefore resolved to leave France, for a time, in hopes 
that the madness of faction would soon subside, and more 



MFE OF LAFAYETTE. 261 

favourable circumstances admit ofhis return. Placing every 
thing in order in the army, and taking care to make the 
necessary dispositions in case of attack, he left the army 
on the morning of the 20th, and directed his way across 
the enemy's posts towards Holland, with the purpose of 
thence proceeding to the United States, his second country. 

" Lafayette was under the necessity (he states) of observing the 
greatest secrecy in his departure, in order to avoid increasing the num- 
ber of his companions in exile, who consisted only of Latour-Mau- 
bourg and his two brothers, Bureau de Puzy, his aids-de-camp, and 
staff officers in the Parisian national guard, and some friends, exposed 
to certain death in consequence of their participation in his last efforts 
against anarchy. Fifteen officers of different ranks accompanied 
him. On arriving at Rochefort, where the party (considerably reduced 
in number) were stopped^ Bureau de Puzy was compelled to go for- 
ward and obtain a pass from General Moitelle, in command at Na» 
mur. He set out accordingly, but, before he could utter a syllable 
of explanation, that general exclaimed, ' What, Lafayette ? Lafay- 
ette ?— Run instantly and inform the Duke of Bourbon of it — Lafay- 
ette ? — Set out this moment,' addressing one of his officers, and car. 
ry this news to his royal highness at Brussels ^ and on he went, mut- 
tering to himself the word ' Lafayette.' It was not until he had giv- 
en orders to write to all the princes and generals he could think of, 
that Puzy could put in his request for a pass, which was of course 
refused." 

Lafayette and his companions, in contravension of all the 
laws of nations, were treated as prisoners by the Austrian 
authorities. Liberty was indeed offered to Lafayette, on 
condition of recanting, not all of his opinions, but that rel- 
ative to the abolition of the nobility. He refused all com- 
promise of the kind ; and was consigned alternately to the 
dungeons of Prussia and Austria, in rigid and cruel confine- 
ment, for nearly five years. Ikiring this period, these mon- 
archs and their minions of cruelty, refused all appeals for 
the liberation of Lafayette, under the pretext that "his lib- 
erty was incompatible with the safety of the present gov- 
ernments of Europe." Sir Walter Scott, who in many re- 
spects does injustice to Lafayette, thus speaks ofhis arrest 
and imprisonaient : " This conduct on the part of the mon. 
archs, however irritated they might be by the recollection 
of some part of Lafayette's conduct in the outset of the rev- 
olution, was neither to be vindicated by morality, the law 
of nations, nor the rules of sound policy. * * * Even 
if he had been amenable for a crime against his own coun- 
try, we know not what right Austria and Prussia had to 



262 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. 

take cognizance of it. To them he was a mere prisoner of 
war and nothing further. Lastly> it is very seldom that a 
petty and vindictive lino of policy can consist with the real 
interests either of great princes or private individuaisc In 
this present case the arrest of Lafayette was peculiarly the 
contrary." 

At Luxemburg, an attempt was made by a party of roy- 
alist emigrants, to assassinate Lafayette. From Luxem- 
burg, Lafayette and his companions were conveyed to Wes- 
sel, in Prussia, and imprisoned. He was there dangerously 
ill. While in a state of debility, he was offered, by direction 
of the King of Prussia, an amelioration of his imprisonment, 
provided he would give plans for military operations against 
France. This base proposal Lafayette rejected with indig- 
nation. He was then treated with increased severity. 
Soon after, the prisoners were conveyed in a cart to Mag- 
deburg. In this prison Lafayette was confined in a dark, 
damp and narrow dungeon, surrounded by high pallisades, 
and closed by four massive gates, fastened by iron bolts 
and chains. His three friends, Latour Maubourg, Bureau 
de Puzy, and Alexander Lameth shared a similar fate. At 
the end of a year, they were transferred to Neiss. Shortly 
after, on the conclusion of peace between Prussia an<J 
France, Lameth, at the intercession of friends, was set at 
liberty. Lafayette was deemed a prize of too much impor- 
tance, and too dangerous to despotism, to be set free. He 
was, therefore, with Maubourg and Puzy, delivered over by 
the King of Prussia to the Austrian government, and trans- 
ferred to the prison at Ohnutz. They were consigned to 
separate and close cells, on entering which, each of them 
was given to understand, that " the)'' would never for the 
future see more than these four surrounding walls; that 
they would receive no information about things or persons ; 
that their jailers were prohibited from pronouncing their 
names, and that, in the sjovernment despatches, they would 
be referred to merel}^ by their numbers ; that they never 
would have the satisfaction of knowing the situation of their 
families, or their reciprocal existence ; and that, as such a 
situation naturally incited to suicide, knives, forks, and 
every means of destruction, were to be withheld from them." 
From these rigid and barbarous rules, there was for a long 
time little relaxation. 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 263 



CHAPTER XXVI. 

Sympathies in favour of Lafayette — Efforts for his liberation— Gener- 
ous exertions of Governeur Morris — Eloquent appeal of Madame de 
Stael — Feelings and personal exertions of Gen. Washington— Fate 
of Madame Lafayette — Her letters and appeals to President Wash- 
ington — His answers — Popular feeling in the United States in fa- 
vour of a commission to demand the release of Lafayette— Colonel 
M'Henry solicits the appointment — Efforts in behalf of Lafayette 
in Europe — Masclet and his associates — Bollman and Huger's en- 
terprise for the escape of Lafayette — Its partial success — The es- 
cape — Their capture and imprisonment — Lafayette treated with 
increased severity — Bollman and Huger released — Their efforts in 
the United States — Gen. Washington declines acting ofRcially — • 
Renews his personal efforts — Writes to Mr. Pinckney — His letter 
to the Emperour of Germany. 

Meanwhile, the fate of Lafayette excited throughout 
Europe and Araerica the sympathy and indignation of the 
friends of freedom. To Mr. Short, the resident Minister of 
the United States at the Hague, Lafayette had, on his first 
detention, addressed a letter, requesting to be demanded of 
the Austrian authorities as an American citizen. Mr. 
Short wrote immediately to Mr. Pinckney, American min- 
ister in England, and Mr. Morris, in France, stating the 
facts of the case, and requesting their advice and co-opera- 
tion. All agreed that they had no authority to act offi- 
cially in his behalf; but each individually, during the whole 
period of the captivity of Lafayette, did all that he could 
to alleviate his sufferings and procure his liberation. Gov- 
erneur Morris, who, as we have before stated, was opposed 
to the political views of Lafayette, pursued a prompt, gen- 
erous, and honourable course, in this unfortunate crisis. 
Learning that Lafayette, while in the prison of Magdebur-g, 
was distressed for money, Mr. Morris, on his own responsi- 
bility, directed the banker of the United States, at Ham- 
burg, to advance him ten thousand florins; which was after- 
wards allowed by the government, under the head of military 
compensation to Lafayette. To Madame Lafayette also, 
while she was confined by order of the French authorities 



264 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

to her residence at Chevaniac, Mr. Morris loaned from his 
private funds one hundred thousand livres. He drew for 
her a petition to the King of Prussia, in which she is made 
to say, " He in whose favour I implore the mercy of your 
majesty, has never known crime. Faithful to his king, 
when he could no longer l>e of service to him, he left France. 
At the moment when he was made prisoner, he was cross- 
ing the low countries to take refuge in America. He be- 
lieved himself under protection of the law of nations, and he 
trusted to it with so much the more confidence, as the gen- 
erous sentiments of your majesty were not unknown to him. 
I may perhaps be blind to the character of a beloved hus- 
band, but I cannot deceive myself in being persuaded that 
your majesty will grant the prayer of an unhappy woman." 
When Madame Lafayette was brought up to Paris and im- 
prisoned, Mr. Morris interceded with the authorities in her 
behalf; and it was her belief that she owed her life to this 
intercession. 

After he was superseded by Mr. Monroe, as minister in 
France, Mr. Morris travelled through the north of Europe; 
and while at Vienna, made an effort to procure the libera^, 
tion of Lafayette, then confined at OlmutZi. In an inter- 
view with the Baron de Thugut, Prime Minister of the Em* 
perour of Austria, M. Thugut (Mr. M. states in his diary) 
contradicted the account of the ill treatment of Lafayette, 
and expressed a wish that they had never had any thing to 
do with him. " I solicit (says Mr. M.) his release, but find 
that it is in vain. He says that probably he will be dis- 
charged at the peace. To which I reply, that I never had 
any doubt of that, * * * but that I wish it were done 
sooner ; and add, that I am sure it would have a very good 
effect in England, giving my reasons. He says, if Eng- 
land will ask for him, they will be very glad to get rid of 
him in that way, and that tliey may, if they please, turn 
him loose in London." This conversation Mr. Morris com- 
municated to Lord Grenville, and urged ii upon the British 
government to act upon the hint, and procure the liberation 
of Lafayette. But England connived at, if she did not 
instigate, his unjust detention. 

It may, however, be just to record, that Mr. Morris was 
encouraged, if not influenced, in his efforts to procure the 
liberation of Lafayette, by the eloquent appeals in his be« 



MFE O*" LAFAYETTE-!. 265 

half (yf Madame de Stael, the celebrated daughter of Necker, 
In her first letter to Mr. Morris, she says: " What I have 
to ask of you is so much in accordance with your own feeU 
ings, that my letter will only repeat to you their dictates 
in poorer expressions. You are travelling through Germa- 
ny, and whether on a publick mission or not, you have in- 
fluence ; for they are not so stupid as not to consult a man 
like you. Open the prison door of M. de Lafayette. You 
have already saved his wife from death ; deliver the whole 
family. Pay the debt of your country. What greater ser- 
vice can any one render to his native land, than to dis- 
charge her obligations of gratitude? Is there any severer 
calamity, than that which has befallen Lafayette ? Does 
any more glaring injustice attract the attention of Europe? 
I speak to you of glory, yet I know a more elevated senti- 
ment is the motive of your conduct." 

General Washington, then President of the United States, 
was deeply afflicted on learning the misfortune of his friend 
and companion in arms. Before he had ascertained what 
had become of Madame Lafayette, and with the principal 
view of being informed of her residence and circumstances, 
he wrote to her, (Jan. 31, 1793). " If I had words (he said), 
that could convey to you an adequate idea of my feelings 
on the present situation of the Marquis de Lafayette, this 
letter would appear to you in a different garb." He informed 
Madame Lafayette, that he had deposited in the hands of a 
banker in Amsterdam, subject to her orders, a sum in Hol- 
land currency, equal to two hundred guineas. " This sum 
(he added) is, I am certain, the least I am indebted for ser- 
vices rendered to me by the Marquis de Lafayette, of which 
I never yet have received the account. I could add much ; 
but it is best, j)erhaps5 that 1 should say little on this sub- 
ject. Your goodness will supply the deficiency." 

Soon after this letter was written. President Washington 
received one from Madame Lafayette, dated at Chavaniac, 
October 8th, 1792, in which she describes the situation of 
Lafayette and herself, and thus eloquently and feelingly 
pleads in his behalf: — 

"He was taken by the troops of the Emperour, although the King 
of Prussia retains him a prisoner in his dominions. And while he 
suffers this inconceivable persecution from the enemies without, the 
faction which reigns within keeps me a hostage at one hundred and 

23 



266 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

twenty leagues from the capital. Judge then at what distance I airs 
from him. In this abyss of misery, the idea of owing to the United 
States and to Washington the life and liberty of M. de Lafayette kin-, 
dies a ray of hope in my heart. I hope every thing from the good- 
ness of the people with whom he has set an example of that liberty, 
of which he is now made the victim. And shall I dare speak what I 
hope ? I would ask of them through you for an envoy, who shall go- 
to reclaim him in the name of the repubjick of the United States where- 
Bocver he may be found, and who shall be authorized to make with 
the power, in whose charge he may be placed, all necessary engage- 
ments for his release, and for taking him to the United States, even 
if he is there to be guarded as a captive. If his wife and his children 
could be comprised in this mission, it is easy to judge how happy it 
would be for her and for them ; but, if this would in the least degree 
retard or embarrass the measure, we >vill defer still longer the happi- 
ness of a reunion. May heaven deign to bless the confidence with 
which it has inspired me. I hope my request is not a rash one* 
Accept the homage of the sentiments, which have dictated this letter, 
as well as that of attachment and tender respect.'* 

To this letter General Washington replied, March 16th, 
1793. He expressed the deepest sympathy in the privation 
of Madame Lafayette, and ardent desires, in the sincerity 
of friendship, for Lafayette's relief; " in which sentiment 
(he said) I know that my fellow citizens participate." He 
expressed a doubt, however^ whether the measures she inti- 
mated were those which he could pursue, or which were 
likely to succeed ; "but be assured (he said) that I am not 
inattentive to his condition, nor contenting myself with in- 
active wishes for his liberation." 

Disappointed in not receiving a reply to her first letter 
as soon as she expected, Madame Lafayette wrote again to 
General Washington, from Chevaniac, March 13, 1793. 
She recapitulated the account of her own situation, and that 
of Lafayette. "But I confess (she said) that your silence, 
and the abandonment of M. de Lafayette and family for the 
last six months, are, of all our evils, the most inexplicable to 
me." " I can do nothing for him. I can neither receive 
a line from him, or write one to him. Such is the manner 
in which I am treated." And she expressed a belief, that 
Lafayette could only be released through the interference 
of the United States 

President Washington was pained and embarrassed by 
the appeals thus made to him. He answered, as he had 
done before, briefly and kindly ; and to Mr. .TefTerson, Sec- 
retary of State, who was about wiitiiig to Mr» Morris, he 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 267 

said : " If it has not been done in a former letter, it would be 
agreeable to nie, that Mr. Morris should be instructed to ueg. 
lect no favourable opportunity of expressing, informally, the 
sentiments and wishes of this country respecting the Marquis 
de Lafayette ; and I pray you to commit to paper, in answer 
to the enclosed letter from Madame Lafayette, all the con- 
solation I can with propriety give, consistent with my pub- 
iick character and the national policy, circumstanced as 
things are," 

Popular feeling was strong in the United States in favour 
of a mission, such as had been suggested by Madame La- 
fayette, to require from the Austrian government Lafayette's 
release ; and Col, M'lienry, who had been the aid of La- 
fayette, applied to President Washington for the appoint- 
ment, feelingly urging, at ihe same time, the propriety of the 
measure. " I perceive (said he) by the act of Congress for 
discharging his pay during the vvar, the new obligation you 
have laid upon your unfortunate friend. If it is possible to 
go beyond pecuniary aid, or so far as to restore him to lib- 
erty and his family, how would he rejoice to owe that bles- 
sing to the man he loves most on earth ; and what sublime 
pleasure to me to be an humble instrument of its accom- 
plishment. The friendship he has always expressed for me, 
the friendship I feel for him, a conviction of the patriotism 
of his principles and the purity of his motives, the esteem 
in which he is still held by America, a remembrance of the 
moment and his youth when he embarked in our cause, all 
conspire to make such a project peculiarly interesting to the 
feeling heart." 

President Washington, however, did not deem such a step 
advisable or consistent with the neutral position of the gov- 
ernment of the United States. But in answer to Colonel 
M'Henry he said, " I have only to add, and that in confi. 
dence, that every thing which friendship requires, and 
which I could do without committing my publick character, 
or involving this country in embarrassments, is and has 
been for some time in train, though the result is as yet un- 
known." 

Among the generous spirits in Europe, who interested 
themselves for Lafayette, was Joseph Masclet, then a pro- 
scribed resident in England. His efforts, and those of his 



268 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

associates, are thus related by Ctoquet, in his "Private 
Life of Lafayette :" 

'• Masclet was not personally acquainted with Lafayette, and, had 
never even seen him ; but he shared his political principles and ad. 
mired his virtues. He was indignant at the perfidious conduct of a 
government which, contrary to the rights of nations and the laws of 
humanity, detained such a man a prisoner, and still more indignant 
against his own country, which permitted such an action, or rather, 
forgot the most virtuous of her citizens. Having retired with his wife 
to a country-seat near London, he constantly wrote against the deten- 
tion of Lafayette, and published his numerous articles in the Morning 
Chronicle, and in the Dutch and Hamburg journals. He had adopted 
the Greek name of Eleuthere, (freeman,) with which he signed his 
writings in favour of L.afayette. No difficulty, no danger, could de- 
ter him in the pursuit of this virtuous, patriotick undertaking. He 
connected himself with the opposition members of the British Parlia- 
ment, and associated in his plans for Lafayette's deliverance the friends 
in whom he reposed most confidence. He made the people of Eng. 
land speak out in reprobation of France, who was indifferent to the 
unjust captivity of the first of her citizens, and of his noble family, 
who had buried themselves along with him in the dungeons of Olmutz. 
Masclet, who, as I have just observed, had obtained ths assistance of 
active and intelligent agents, ended by establishing a correspondence 
with the prisoners, which, though not regular, acquainted him with 
their situation, their mode of life, and the ill treatment to which they 
were subject. He was informed of the steps taken by them to obtain 
justice, and of the denials of that justice, which were always founded 
on sophistical reasoning, when their tyrants condescended to give a 
y^ason for their refusals. They declared that ' Lafayette's existence 
was incompatible with the safety of the present governments of Eu- 
rope.' Austria could allege no other motive for her unjustifiable 
conduct. 

" Throughout his long and perilous undertaking, Masclet was in- 
spired merely by humanity, justice, and superiour reason. The under- 
taking was really perilous ; for Austria, exasperated at finding no 
supporter in the British ^'arliament, and at seeing herself unmasked 
before the eyes of Europe, which was gradually roused to indignation 
by the scenes of Olmutz, had sent several emissaries to London to 
discover the Eleuthere who braved her anger, reiterated his com- 
plaints, assumed every form, and multiplied himself^ as it were, to 
obtain the justice which he demanded in the name of the rights of na- 
tions and of humanity. ]^ut the eflx)rts of the Austrian cabinet were 
ineffectual to discover Eleuthere. To justify her act, Austria endeav- 
oured to persuade Europe of the kindness with which she treated her 
victims, and she accordingly published a manifesto, enumerating her 
humane proceedings towards them. Masclet published a vigorous 
refutation of the manifesto, and revealed the whole truth, stating the 
different circumstances, which you will find in General Latour Mau- 
bourg's narrative. The refutation was supported by a letter from M. 
de Noailles, a relative of Madame Lafayette, 



MFE Of LAFAYETTE, 269 

*' In 1795, Barthelemy, who was then ambassador from France to 
Switzerland, had also made pressing applications to the ministers of 
foreign powers, in favour of the prisoners, and had been seconded bj 
De Witt, the minister of the Batavian republick at Bale. The most 
distinguished opposition members in England, Fox, Wilberforce, 
Sheridan, and at their head General Fitzpatrick, supported by Gen-j 
oral Tarleton, who had fought against Lafayette in Virginia, pleaded 
forcibly, and struggled courageously against the Pitt ministry, and 
the calumniators of Lafayette, and of his companions in misfortune. 
They were seconded by the publications of Masclet, and by those of 
the most illustrious writers in Germany. It was on the 16th Decem- 
ber, 1796, that General Fitzpatrick, in the English House of com- 
mons, made, m favour of the prisoners of Olmutz, that eloquent 
speech which produced so much sensation in Europe, and which ter- 
minated in the following motion : — ' That an humble address be pre- 
sented to his majesty, to represent to his majesty, that it appears to 
this House, that the detention of General Lafayette, Bureau de Fuzy, 
and Latour Maubourg, in the prison of his majesty's ally, the Emper-- 
our of Germany, is highly injurous to his imperial majesty, and to the 
common cause of the allies ; and humbly to implore his majesty to 
intercede, in such manner as to his wisdom shall seem most proper, 
for the deliverance of these unfortunate persons," 

But there are no events connected with the imprisonnnent 
of Lafayette, more honourable and interesting than the en- 
terprise of Bollnian and Huger, in the year 1794, to effect 
his escape from Olmutz. 

J. Erick Bollnian was a young German physician, about 
twenty. four years of age, who had just obtained his degre« 
of Doctor of Medicine at the University of Gotlingen. 
He was an enthusiastick admirer of the character of La- 
fayette, and hearing of his unjust imprisonment, resolved to 
attempt his rescue. He set off on foot, with slender means 
derived from the sale of his books, for Hamburg. He had 
letters of introduction to some of the best families, and thus 
was made acquainted with a wealthy merchant and banker, 
by the name of Sieveking, who was also a warm friend of 
Lafayette. Sieveking entered into the project of the young 
enthusiast, supplied him with money, and a letter of intro- 
duction and credit to his confidential friend, Hirsch, a banker 
at Olmutz. Bollmau repaired to Olmutz, and found Hirsch 
willing to aid in the undertaking, so far as his position and 
pergonal safety would permit. It was, however, necessary 
that he should have physical assistance, as well as money 
and advice ; and, after remaining at Olmutz several days, 
without being able to communicate with Lafayette, to avoid 
the suspicions of the police, and in hopes to find some one 

•23* 



370 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

to share his enterprise, Bollman repaired to Vienna. There 
he met with a kindred spirit, one predisposed by patriotick 
sympathies, by the ties of country and of kindred, to favour 
the noble effort he contemplated. That person was Fran- 
cis HuGBR, son of Col. Huger, of South Carolina, at whose 
house Lafayette was first entertained on landing in Amer- 
ica. No sooner did Bollman hint his purpose, than young 
Huger embraced it fervently, and assured Bollman that he 
would aid him in serving the illustrious friend of his father 
and his country, in any manner and at all hazards. Pro- 
viding themselves with three good horses and a servant, and 
travelling, Huger in the character of a young Englishman 
in search of health, and Bollman as his attendant physician, 
they traversed the frontiers of Austria, examined with care 
the roads by which an escape from Olmutz might be effect. 
ed ; and arrived at Olmutz in the month of iSeptember. 

In the mean time the banker, Hirsch, sought for a mode 
of communicating with Lafayette. He cast his thoughts 
upon the head surgeon of the garrison, (Kreutschke) who 
occasionally visited Lafayette, and was supposed to be fa- 
vourably inclined towards him. Hirsch invited the doctor, 
who was his friend and physician, to dine with him, and in 
conversation inquired carelessly about the health of Lafay- 
ette, who he understood to be unwell, adding, that he hoped 
he would not recover, as he richly deserved to die. The 
doctor gazed for a few moments with astonishment, and re- 
piied : '" Hirsch, I should not have believed that of you ! 
Is this the way you slander a brave man? whose only crime 
has been a wish to see his country free and happy I And 
must I, a true hearted Bohemian, must I submit to such an 
indignity? Hirsch! Hirsch! you have shamefully de- 
ceived me !" Hirsch, highly gratified with these senti- 
ments, then said : " But of what service are all these 
fine words, when no one can, and no one will, do any thing 
for him ? Whether Lafayette be as criminal, or not, as 
they represent him to be, is of very little consequence ; for 
be must die soon, if he remains in prison !" At this, 
Kreutschke started up in great agitation, and strode up and 
down the room without speaking. 

An explanation and an understanding of each other's 
views followed. The physician agreed to become the me- 
of communication with Lafayette, if possible, and in 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 271 

that way aid in his liberation. A few days thereafter^ 
Kreutschke visited Lafayette professionally, and while pre- 
tending to feel his pulse, in the presence of the superintend. 
ent of the prison and officer of the guard, secretly slipped 
into the hand of Lafayette a note, which hinted to him the 
project for his escape. Lafayette was greatly agitated, 
turned pale, and grasped the note convulsively, which con- 
firmed to the officers present the remarks of the doctor, that 
the prisoner was very ill, required to be bled, and needed 
exercise. This they reported to the governour ; and it was 
no more than the truth, for the h.-alth of Lafayette had be- 
come, by long confinement and rigorous treatment, greatly 
impaired. 

Through the intercession of Kreutschke, the governour 
soon granted leave to Lafayette to ride out occasionally 
into the country, for the restoration of his health ; but he 
was always accompanied by an officer and an armed guard, 
to prevent his escape. Watching their opportunity, ac- 
cording to the plan which had been arranged, Bollman and 
Huger, a little before the time (five o'clock, P. M.) when 
Lafayette usually rode, mounted on horseback, rode into 
the country, as they were accustomed to do, daily, as though 
for recreation. They took the road which Lafayette and 
his escort were expected to pass. When the carriage con- 
taining Lafayette and the officer, with a guard mounted 
behind, appeared, the young men rode slow, that the carriage 
might pass them. When opposite, Bollman drew from his 
pocket a white handkerchief; Lafayette did the same,, 
that being the signal of recognition agreed upon, as neither 
Bollman nor Huger knew, or were known to, Lafayette 
personally. After passing the young men, and about two 
miles from the city, Lafayette and the officer left the car- 
riage, and pursued their way on foot. Lafayette, under 
some pretext, as had been agreed, went a little distance 
ahead, when Bollman and Huger rushed forward, intending 
to mount him behind one of them : they had omitted to 
bring a third horse, for fear of exciting suspicion. The 
officer and guard, however, came up before they could effect 
that object, and a violent struggle ensued. In the contest,. 
Huger's horse escaped ; the guard seized Lafayette's hand 
with his mouth, and, in endeavouring to extricate himself^. 
Lafayette tore the flesh to the bone from one of his fingers* 



272 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

At length his courageous deliverers succeeded in mounting 
him, some eiccounts say, behind BoUman ; but that which 
seems the most probable, says, that he was mounted alone, 
on Bollman's horse ; that he lingered, unwilling to leave his 
voung friends in the hands of their adversaries; when they 
urged him to make his escape, and Huger said to him in 
English, " Go to Hoff,^' where their servant had been sent 
to provide a carriage to take them out of the kingdom. 
Lafayette understood him to say, "^o off;'' and started, 
without comprehending the place of rendezvous. Night 
approached ; the horse fell with him; he was sadly bruised 
and suffered great pain. His appearance excited suspiciouj 
when he asked the way, and endeavoured to procure a guide. 
He was detained by a party of peasants ; carried before a 
magistrate, and recognized the next day by an officer from 
Olmutz. 

Bollman and Huger soon got rid of the officer and guards- 
who hastened back to the citadel, and caused the alarm 
guns to be fired. Huger's horse was recovered, and both 
mounted and attempted thus to follow Lafayette. The res- 
tiveness of the horse, under such a burthen, and their slow 
procuress, soon induced them to abandon this joint effort, 
and Bollman proceeded alone. Huger was taken by a pea- 
sant, who from the field where he was ploughing had wit- 
nessed the whole affair. Bollman proceeded to Hoff, and 
having lingered for a day, in hope of the arrival of Lafayette, 
was there taken. All three of them were brought back 
separately to Olmutz, and thrown into prison, without being 
permitted to know each other's fate. These events occur- 
red the forepart of November, 1794. 

The treatment of Lafayette was, after the failure of this 
generous effort ta effect his escape, much more severe. 
But great as were his sufferings from his wounds, his close 
confinement within the damp and gloomy walls of a narrow 
cell, and the brutality and insolence of his jailers, his great- 
est agony arose from apprehensions on account of his de- 
liverers. ^ To add to his anxiety, M. Arco, the commanding 
general, tauntingly said to him : "The rogues, who were 
so bold as to carry you off, are arrested. They shall be 
hunof. It shall be under your window ; and, if there is no 
©xecutioner, I will do that office myself." 

Bollman and Huger, however, after a rigorous confine- 



15FE OF LAFAYETTE. 273 

ment of eight months, were, through the intercession of 
their friends, liberated by the Austrian government. Still 
interesting themselves actively for Lafayette, they went to 
the United States. Bollman had an interview with Presi- 
dent Washington, and wrote to him a letter, dated Phila- 
delphia, April 11, 1796, in which he urged an immediate 
interference by the United States, to procure the liberation 
of Lafayette. . President Washington reiterated to Doctor 
Bollman, and to the Duke of Liancourt, who about the same 
time made a similar application, his conviction that the law 
of nations and the policy of the government prohibited any 
official interference on his part. But he renewed his per- 
sonal efforts in Lafayette's behalf. To Mr. Pinckney, then 
in Europe, General Washington wrote, under date of SOth 
February, 1796. After stating that nothing certain had 
been learned of the fate of Lafayette, since the attempt of 
Bollman and Huger, both of whom were then in that city, 
he said : 

" I need hardly mention how much my sensibility has been hurt 
by the treatment this gentleman has met with, or how anxious I am 
to see him liberated therefrom ; but what course to pursue, as most 
likely and proper to aid the measure, is not quite so easy to decide on.. 
As President of the United States, there must be a commitment of the 
government by any interference of mine \. and it is no easy matter 
in a transaction of this nature for a publick character to assuH^e the 
garb of a private citizen, in a ease that does not relate to himself 
Yet such is my wish to contribute my mite to accomplish this desira- 
ble object, that I have no objection to its being made known to the 
Imperial ambassador in London, who, if he thinks proper, may com-, 
municate it to his court, that this event is an ardent wish of the peo- 
ple of the United States, to which I sincerely add mine. The time, 
the manner, and even the measure itself, I leave to your discretion ; 
a^s circumstances, and every matter which concerns this gentleman, 
are better known on that, then they are on this side of the Atlantick." 

Gen. Washington also addressed the following letter to 
the Emperour of Germany : 

" Philadelphia, l^th May, 1796. 

" It will readily occur to your majesty, that occasions, may some- 
times exist, on which official considerations would constrain the chief 
of a nation to be silent and passive, in relation even to objects which 
aflfect his sensibility, and, claim his interposition as a man. Finding 
myself precisely in this situation at present, I take the liberty of wri. 
ting this private letter to your majesty, being persuaded that my mo- 
tives will also be my apology for it. 

" In common with the people of this country, I retain a strong and 
cordial sense of the services rendered: to^ them by the Marquis de La-- 



274 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. 

fayette ; and my friendship for him has been constant and sincere. 
It is natural, therefore, that I should sympathize with him and his 
family in their misfortunes, and endeavour to mitigate the calamities 
which they experience ; among which, his present confinement is not 
the least distressing. 

" I forbear to enlarge on this delicate subject. Permit me only to 
submit to your majesty's consideration, whether his long imprison- 
ment, and the confiscation of his estates, and the indigence and dis- 
persion of his family, and the painful anxieties incident to all these 
circumstances, do not form an assemblage of sufferings, which recom- 
mend him to the mediation of humanity ? Allow me. Sir, on this 
occasion to be its organ ; and to entreat, that he may be permitted to 
come to this country, on such conditions and under such restrictions, 
as your majesty may think it expedient to prescribe. 

" As it is a maxim with me not to ask what, under similar circum- 
stances, I would not grant, your majesty will do me the justice to 
believe, that this request appears to me to correspond with those great 
principles of magnanimity and wisdom, which form the basis of sound 
policy and durable glory. 

" May the Almighty and Merciful Sovereign of the universe keep 
jour majesty under his protection and guidance." 



CHAPTER XXVII. 

Madame Lafayette set at liberty— Sends her son, George Washington 
Lafayette, to America— He is kindly received by President Wash, 
ington, and publickly by Congress — Madame Lafayette is aided by 
Mr. Monroe— She repairs to Vienna — Has an interview with the 
Emperour of Austria — Is permitted, and nobly determines to share, 
with her daughters, the imprisonment of Lafayette at Olmutz — 
Maubourg's account of it referred to — The daughters of Lafayette 
— They alleviate the gloom of his prison — Madamoiselle Anastasie's 
Sketch of the Jailer of Olmutz— The faithful Felix — Victorious ca- 
reer of the French armies — Gratifying to Lafayette — Napoleon, the 
hero and conqueror — The first spark of his ambition kindled — Stip. 
ulates at Leoben for the release of Lafayette and his companions 
—Dishonourable conditions imposed by Austria — Lafayette refuses 
them — Bonaparte suspects the duplicity of Austria — Sends Romeuf 
to demand Lafayette's liberation — His final release — Is delivered to 
the American consul at Hamburg — His residence in Holstein — Re- 
turns to France- -The First Consul desires to gain him— Lafayette 
is grateful to Napoleon, but suspects him of ambitious designs — 
Refuses the office of senator— Retires from the army — Refuses to 
vote for Napoleon as consul for life— His letter explanatory. 

Meanwhile the chief instigators of the " Reign of Ter- 
rour," had successively fallen-— Marat by the hands of a 



lilFE OP LAFAYETTE. 275 

lieroick female (Charlotte Corday), and Danton and Robes. 
pierre by that fatal instrument, Ihe guillotine, to which they 
and their accomplices had consigned so many victims. A few 
months after the death of Robespierre, Madame Lafayette, 
who had been a second time brought up to Paris and impris- 
oned, was set at liberty. She had suffered much. During 
the brief and bloody period of the worst system of tyranny 
that the world ever witnessed, which spared neither age nor 
sex, she had beheld many of her kindred and friends, among 
whom were her grandmother, mother and sister, perish on the 
scaffold, and was in hourly expectation of being herself led 
forth to execution. How justly did the talented and beautiful 
Madame Roland exclaim, when brought to the guillotine, " O, 
Liberty ! what crimes are they committing in thy name !" 

As soon as Madame Lafayette was released from prison, 
she made arrangements to solicit in person the liberation of 
her husband, or to share, if she could not alleviate, the rig- 
ours of his fate. Previous to her departure, she sent her 
son, George Washington Lafayette, then about eighteen 
years of age, to seek an asylum in America. He arrived 
at Boston, under the assumed name of Mortier, accom- 
panied by his tutor, M. Frestel, about the first of September, 
1795. He immediately apprised President Washington of 
his arrival. The feehngs of President Washington, on re- 
ceiving this information, are shown in a letter to Mr. Cabot, 
dated September 7th. "To express (he said) all the sensi= 
bility which has been excited in my breast by the receipt 
of young Lafayette's letter, from the recollection of his fa- 
ther's merits, services, and sufferings, from my friendship 
for him, and from my wishes to become a friend and father 
to his son, is unnecessary. Let me in a few words declare, 
that I will be his friend ; but the manner of becoming so, 
considering the obnoxious light in which his father is 
viewed by the French government, and my own situation 
as the executive of the United States, requires more time to 
consider, in all its relations, than I can bestow on it at 
present." 

Gen. Washington requested Mr. Cabot to express his 
views to young Lafayette, and to administer "all the con- 
solation to the young gentleman that he could derive from 
the most unequivocal assurances of my standing in the 
place of, an\i becoming to him, a father, friend, protector 



276 LIfE OF LAFAYETTE. ! 

and supporter." He recommended a plan of educationj 
and that the yoking man should enter, for a short time, as a 
student at Cambridge, the expense of which, as also of every 
other means for his support, he (Washington) would pay. 
He added, " My friendship for his father, so far from being 
diminished, has increased in the ratio of his misfortunes ; 
and my inclination to serve the son, will be evinced by my 
conduct." This pledge to the son of his friend, Washing. 
ton fully redeemed ; although he did not publickly acknowl- 
edge and receive him till some time thereafter. On the 
18th of March, the United States House of Representatives 
passed the following resolution and order : 

" Information having been given to this House, that the 
son of Gen, Lafayette is now within the United States, 

" Resolved, That a committee be appointed to inquire 
into the truth of the said information, and report thereon, and 
what measures it would be proper to take, if the same be 
true, to evince the grateful sense entertained by this coun- 
try for the services of his father." 

Mr. Edward Livingston, chairman of the committee, 
wrote to the young man, and advised his immediate appear- 
ance at Philadelphia, " that the Legislature of America (he 
said) may no longer be in doubt, whether the son of Lafay- 
ette is under their protection and within the reach of their 
gratitude." With commendable delicacy and discretion, ^ 

young Lafaj^ette asked the advice of General Washington, | 

who had previously written to him, and thereupon repeated 
the invitation^ that he should proceed immediately to Phila- 
delphia, and to his house, where a room was prepared for 
him and his preceptor. Thus publickly recognised, the son 
of Lafayette entered the family of Washington, in which he 
remained, treated with the kindness and affection of a son, 
until the liberation of his father from Olmutz. 

To Madame Lafayette herself, Mr. Munroe, who had suc- 
ceeded Mr. Morris as American minister in France, ren- 
dered every attention and assistance in his power. He 
furnished her with an American passport, under the name 
of Mortier. He supplied her with money, and gave and 
procured for her letters of recommendation and credit. 
He had advanced to her before she left France, nearly two 
thousand dollars. " I assured her, (he wrote to General 
Washington) when she left France, there was no service 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 277 

within my power to render her and her husband and family^ 
that I would not with pleasure render them ; to count upon 
my utmost efforts and command them in their favour ; that 
it was your wish and the wish of America that I should do 
so — to consult her husband as to the mode and means, and 
apprise me of his opinion thereon. She departed, grateful 
to you and our country." 

Madame Lafayette, accompanied by her two daughters, 
Anastasie, aged sixteen, and Virginia, aged fourteen years, 
pursued her arduous journey to Vienna, where she arrived 
safe, in the month of September, 1795. The Prince of 
Rozenberg, touched with her virtues, interested himself in 
her behalf, and procured for her an audience with the Em- 
perour. He refused her solicitations to liberate Lafayette^ 
but granted her permission, with her daughters, to share his 
imprisonment. What was the joy of Lafayette, at the un- 
expected appearance of his wife and children, respecting 
whose fate he had so long been ignorant and fearfully anx^ 
ious ! And what must have been the sensations of the 
mother and daughters, on beholding the wretched and debil- 
itated appearance of the husband and father ! 

After enduring for sixteen months the gloom of a nauseous 
prison, the health of Madame Lafayette became seriously 
impaired. She wrote to the Emperour of Austria, request- 
ing leave to visit Vienna, for a short time, for the benefit of 
purer air, and to consult a physician. After two months' 
silence, the answer came. She was prohibited from appear- 
ing in Vienna, but was permitted to leave the fortress, on 
the condition of never returning. Her determination being 
required in writing, she nobly declared, that whatever might 
be the state of her health, or the inconvenience of the resi- 
dence to her daughters, they would continue to share the 
captivity of her husband, " in all its details." These were 
sufficiently severe and trying ; and the reader who has that 
desire, may find an interesting account of them, in a letter 
of Gen. Maubourg, Gloquet's Private Life of Lafayette^ 
Vol. 1, p. 74, &c. 

The prison of Olmutz had been an ancient Jesuit convent ; 
and the massive cells were converted into gloomy and nar- 
row dungeons. General and Madame Lafayette occupied, 
(according to Maubourg's account) two small cells, their 
daughters but a narrow dog-hole, with a single wretched 

24 



278 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

bed ; while Puzy and himself, in addition to the common 
inconveniences, had those attached to the neighbourhood of 
the guards and of the privies, the dampness of which was such, 
that the wall touching them was covered with saltpetre. 
For a few hours in the day Lafayette was permitted to have 
his family with him ; but at an early hour they were sep- 
arated and confined to their respective cells for the night. 
With Maubourg and Puzy he was allowed no communica- 
tion ; and numerous guards were maintained within and 
without, to prevent all intercourse and intelligence. Their 
watches, razors, penknives, and all articles of trifling con- 
venience, were taken from them, and they were denied the 
use of paper, pen and ink. The zeal and intelligence of 
their faithful servants, Felix and Jules, devised modes for 
them occasionally to communicate. Their food was of the 
coarsest kind, impregnated in cooking with tobacco, served 
in dirty dishes, and they were obliged to eat it with a pew- 
ter spoon, being deprived of the use of knives or forks. 
Their dress — but let us see General Maubourg's description 
of it: 

" You ask how we are dressed ? — Like beggars ; that is to say, in 
rags, since our worn out clothes have not been replaced. Lafayette, 
however, wanted breeches, and I have been informed that a tailor 
was ordered, without taking his measure, to make a large pair of 
trousers for him, and a waistcoat of coarse serge, at the same time in- 
forming him tliat cloth was too dear for him ; I believe that the gar- 
ment alluded to was purposely made in such a ma.nner as to prevent 
him from wearing it, and that Madame Lafayette supplied the defi- 
ciency, by purchasing cloth on some pretext or other. Jn the articles 
of shoes and stockings, he is strangely provided, for those which he 
wears, Mademoiselle Anastasie was obliged to make with her own 
fair hands, out of the stuff of an old coat. For my own part, I wear 
a waistcoat and nankin trousers made at Nievelle, and you may there- 
fore judge of the state of maturity at which they have arrived. "Were 
I to make my appearance in the street, any charitable soul would 
offer me alms. Three months ago, however, I was supplied with 
new shoes. The old ones had been soled and resoled thirteen times, 
and for the new ones I was indebted merely to the obstinacy of the 
cobbler, who found it utterly impossible to perform the operation for 
the fourteenth time. While my shoes were being made, I was obliged 
to remain in bed." 

These sketches convey but a very imperfect idea of the 
many acts of privation, surveillance and oppression, which 
the heroick wife of Lafayette resolved to share with him^ 
at the hazard of health and life, in the prison to which des- 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 279 

potism had consigned him. His youthful and lovely daugh- 
ters, too, resigned without a murmur the pleasures of soci- 
ety, and devoted the spring-time of life to diffuse, by their 
wit and beauty and affection, a ray of happiness around the 
dungeon walls. Attentive, in all things within their power, 
to alleviate the cares of their parents, these young ladies lost 
not for a moment their natural buoyancy of spirit They 
continued gay and cheerful, and fertile of innocent expedi- 
ents to beguile the tedious hours of imprisonment, and to 
" light up a smile in the aspect of wo," by turning the petty 
annoyances of their jailers into ridicule. The major and 
liejitenant, having command of the guards and jailers of the 
prison, and whom Maubourg describes as surpassing in 
brutality the negro-drivers in the Antilles and the slave- 
drivers in Constantinople, had under them a turnkey, a sort 
of Calliban or Cerberus, " an old corporal, decorated with 
the title of prevot, very stupid and very timorous, but also 
very covetous." Fancying the old corporal to be a fit sub- 
ject for the pencil. Mademoiselle Anastasie one day under- 
took to sketch his portrait. As he was not of a tempera- 
ment to sit patiently for his picture, she was obliged, to 
avoid observation, to sketch it upon her thumb nail ; whicli 
she accomplished, very accurately, and at the first opportu- 
nity transferred it to paper. The annexed sketch was ta- 
ken by Cloquet, from a copy then at Lagrange. 

The corporal " is represented in the act of opening the 
door of the prison which looks upon the corridor, and which 
is secured above and below with crossed bars provided with 
padlocks. His half bald head is uncovered ; his few re- 
maining hairs are collected into a little queue, which is lu- 
dicrously turned aside over his shoulder ;* and he advances 
with the stealthy pace of a timid individual, who lends an 
attentive ear to some fancied noise. In one hand he holds 
a bunch of large keys, one of which he directs mechanically 
towards the lock ; in the other hand he holds one of those 
beaked lamps which are much used in Germany, and its 
dim light is reflected on his visage. A stick, which serves 
for self-defence, or the chastisement of offenders, is attached 
to his wrist by a leathern strap ; his little three-cornered 



* On this account, probably, the prisoners gave him the name of 
Cataquois : his real name was Colomba. 



280 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 



hat is squeezed flat under his arm ; his sabre is fastened to 
his side by a girdle ; his waiscoat, breeches, wide boots, 




and in fact, the whole of his attire, show that he is in un- 
dress, and his knees seem to bend, not so much under the 
weight of years as under the influence of cowardice." 

Virtue and fidelity are the same inestimable qualities in 
every rank and station. Nor are they the less valuable as 
examples to mankind, from being exhibited in the humble 
walks of life. The name of the faithful * Felix,' therefore, 
who voluntarily shared the imprisonment of Lafayette, 
should never be separated by the historian and biographer, 



tlt-E Ot lAFAYETTE. 28l 

from that of his ilhistrious friend and patron. Cloquet 
states, that — • 

" Felix Pontonnier was attached to Lafayette as secretary, and was 
arrested along with himv He Avas then very young, as he had scarce- 
ly attained his 16th year. After his arrest, he was charged to look 
after the effects of the prisoners, from whonoi he was entirely separa- 
ted for several days. He was no longer guarded, and might have 
escaped ; but he would have blushed at such an act of weakness, and 
of his own accord he joined Lafayette, to whom, during the whole of 
iiis captivity he gave every proof of attachment and devotion. His 
intelligence and ability were always at work, whenever any hope was 
presented of accomplishing his protector's escape ;• or when the rigours 
of his captivity were to be assuaged. His inventive genius was con- 
stantly employed in discovering means of establishing a correspon- 
dence between the prisoners, in enabling them to acquaint each other 
with their respective situations, to' communicate their thoughts, to 
deceive their jailers, to send intelligence to tlieir friends who were 
occupied with their deliverance, or to hear from' them in return. He 
had composed a particular language, known only to himself and the 
rest of the prisoners ; he had also conceived the idea of a language 
made up of gestures, and of the various expressions of the counte- 
nance, and the key to this language was possessed by the prisoners 
alone. On some occasions, he whistled notes like a captive bird, 
with various modulatians, which intimated to the prisoners all that 
they were interested in learning. His health was often seriously en- 
dangered, and once especially, on being surprised in the commission 
of some supposed offence, he was condemned for three months to soli- 
tary imprisonment, in darkness the most profound, and allowed no 
other food during that period than black bread and water. Nothing 
could equal the devotion of Felix Pontonnier to the prisoners, except, 
perhaps, the gratitude that Lafayette and his children ever felt for 
this honourable and courageous individual. For many years he di- 
rected the agricultural labours at Lagrange with equal probity and 
success, and afterward established himself a Fontenay, (in the depart- 
ment of Seine et Marne,) where he is now collector of taxes;" 

While anarchy and discoi»d were working their fe&.i^ful 
and frequent changes in the internal government of France, 
her armies were every where victorious against the power- 
ful combinations of her internal and externaienemies. Of the 
state and progress of affairs, Lafayette, in his prison at 01- 
mutz, was sometimes, in spite of the vigilance of his jailers, 
secretly advised by his friends; He deplored the excesses 
which were committed in the name of liberty ; but, a true 
l^^atriot, cherishing the honour and independence of his 
country above all other considerations, he rejoiced at the 
successful resistance of the brave soldiers of the republick, to 
the efforts of foreign dictation. In' accordance with this 

24* 



282 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

honourable sympathy, Lafayette was soon to be indebted 
to the victorious march of the armies of his country, for 
his restoration to liberty. Napoleon Bonaparte had es- 
tablished his name, first among the heroes of the day. 
He had aided in curbing the turbulent spirits of Paris, 
and restoring a degree of order from the chaos of anar- 
chy. Thus had he, unconsciously, laid the foundation of 
his own power. The "conqueror of Italy" — at the bridge 
of Lodi the first spark of his ambition was kindled.* He 
had assumed to himself the office of a negotiator, and in 
dictating at Leoben, April 15th, 1797, the preliminaries of 
peace to Austria, the conqueror, of his own accord, and 
highly to his credit, stipulated for the release of Lafayette 
•and his companions, Maubourg and Puzy, from the prison 
of Olmutz. The directory sanctioned the demand, and it 
was from time to time perseveringly urged upon the Aus- 
trian government. Reluctant to yield up their prey, the 
court of Vienna, in July, accompanied an offer of their lib- 
ty to the prisoners with dishonourable conditions. Although 
they had suffered in loathsome confinement for five years, 
©either of them would accept the proposed terms. Lafay- 
ette accompanied his refusal with the following declaration : 

'' Olmutz, July 25, 1197. 
" The commission with which the Marquis de Chasteler is intrusted, 
appears to me to reduce itself to three points. 1st. His imperial 
majesty wishes to have a statement of our situation at Olmutz. I 
am disposed to present no complaint to him. Several details will be 
found in my wife's letters, transmitted or sent back by the Austrian 
government ; and should his imperial majesty not consider it sufficient 
to re-read the instructions sent from Vienna in hjs name, I will will- 
ingly furnish the Marquis de Ghasteler with all the information he 
may desire. 2dly. His majesty the emperour wishes to be assured, 
that immediately after my liberation, I shall set out for America. 
That intention I have often expressed ; but as an answer would, un- 
der present circumstances, appear like an acknowledgement of the 
right to impose on me such a condition, I think it inexpedient to 
comply with the demand. 3dly. His majesty the emperour and king 
has done me the honour to announce to me, that as the principles 
which I profess are incompatible with the safety of the Austrian gov- 
ernment, he cannot consent to my return to hiis states, without his 



*"Vendemaire and Mcntenotte," said the Emperour, "never indu- 
ced me to look on myself as a man of a superiour class ; it was not 
till after Lodi that I wjis struck with the possibility of becoming fa- 
mous. It was then that the first spark of ray ambition was kindled,!* 
*..-Lcs Cases. 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 283 

special permission. There are certain duties, the fulfilment of which 
I cannot decline, I have some towards the United States, I have 
others towards France--! cannot, under any circumstances, shrink 
from the performance of those which I owe to my country. With 
this reservation, I can assure General, the Marquis de Chasteler, of 
my fixed determination never to set foot in any state, subject to his 
imperial majesty the King of Bohemia and Hungary." 

" Lafayette." 

The prisoners were detained, although the Austrian am- 
bas&adors affirmed at the head-quarters of the army of Italy, 
that they had been liberated. Bonaparte, suspecting the 
duplicity, despatched M. Romeuf, formerly aid-de-camp to 
Lafayette, to have a direct explanation with the Baron 
Thugut, prime minister of Austria. Napolean often re- 
marked, that of all the negotiations he had with foreign 
powers, that was the most difficult, so great was their re* 
pugnance to let go their prey. At length the persevering 
effiarts of Romeuf, backed by the firm demands of the victo- 
rious Napoleon, succeeded, and Lafayette and hi& compan- 
ions were, on the 23d of September, 1797, i-eleased from 
their captivity. They were conducted to Hamburg, where, 
agreeably to the stipulations, they were delivered into the 
hands of the American consul. This ceremony, which 
Vi&s a formal act of delivery of the prisoners, in person, by 
the Austrian minister, to Mr. Parish, the American consul,, 
took place on the 4th of October. Governeur Morris was 
present, and relates, that the BaronThugut stated in his 
letter to the Austrian minister, that " Lafayette was not 
liberated, at the instance of France, but merely to show the 
Emperour's consideration for the United States of America." 
This was but a pretence of the proud Austrian premier, to 
court the good will of one power, and disguise his humih- 
ating submission to another. A few days thereafter, at 
Campo-Formio, when the Austrian commissioner equivo. 
cated about the terms of the treaty, Bonaparte, seizing a 
valuable tea service which stood upon the sideboard, a pres- 
ent from the great Catharine to the! commissioner, (Count 
Cobentzel,) dashed it upon the floor, exclaiming, " War is 
declared, but remember, that, in less than three months, I 
will demolish your monarchy as I dash in pieces this por- 
celain." The ultimatum was immediately signed ; and the 
definite treaty of Campo-Formio was next day (October 17) 
executed, «One of the conditions of that treaty (say& 



284 MFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

Thiers, continued from the preliminaries of Leoben), was- 
the release of Lafayette, who had for five years heroically 
endured his imprisonment at Olmutz," jA 

Mr. Morris, and other Americans at Hamburg, received ™ 

Lafayette with every mark of kindness and distinction. An 
entertainment was given to him and his companions on 
board of an American vessel. He also called promptly to 
pay his respects to the French minister, and a splendid en- 
tertainment was given by the minister on the occasion, at 
which Lafayette and his companions in bondage, appeared- j 

with the tri-coloured cockade which he himself had origin- 'J 

ated as the badge of the French nation. Lafayette also' 
wrote to Bonaparte, to Gen. Clarke, who was associated 
with him in the negotiations with Austria, and to M. Tal- 
leyrand, minister of foreign relations at Paris, acknowledg- 
ing the obligations he was under to them individually, and 
to the government of the directory, for his liberation. 

Having thus obeyed the impulse of his grateful feelings^ 
Lafayette sought for a temporary asylum for himself and 
family ; for although the government of the directory had 
interested itself for his liberation, it had not invited his 
return. His property was under confiscation, and he him- 
self still under the decree of proscription, which was passed 
against him in the reign of the- Jacobins. The health of 
Madame Lafayette was greatly impaired, and required care 
and repose. Lafayette repaired with his wife and daughter 
to Holstein, a neutral territory subject to the King of Den- 
mark. Here he was soon joined by his son, George Wash- 
ington Lafayette, who had left America immediately after 
hearing of the prohability of his father's liberation. H« 
brought with him a congratulatory letter from Washington^ 
to Lafayette, in which the character and deportment of the 
son were highly commended; "His conduct (said Wash- 
mg.ton); since he first set his feet on American ground, has 
been exemplary in every point of view, such as has gained 
him. the esteem, affectien, and confidence of all who have 
had the pleasure of his acquaintance. His filial affection 
and duty, and his ardent desire to embrace his parents and 
sisters in the first moments of their release, would not allow 
him to wait the authentick account of this much desired 
event. But at the same time that I suggestedthe propriety 
®f this, I could not withhold my assent to the gratification 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 285 

of his wishes to fly to the arms of those whom he holds most 
dear." 

Lafayette was thus once more surrounded by his amiable 
family. His friends and companions in exile, Latour Mau- 
bourg and Bureau de Puzy, and their families, were settled 
in the same quiet country. He enjoyed, with them, in 
retirement, that peace of mind which is the reward of con- 
scious rectitude. Writing at this time to Masclet, upon the 
subject of the recent events in France, he repeats the prin- 
ciple which had ever actuated him, and " in which (he said) 
I have been confirmed by experience, that liberty can and 
ought to be assisted only by means worthy of her." Anas- 
tasie, the eldest daughter of Lafayette, was here united to 
Charles de Latour Maubourg, brother to the companion and 
fellow-prisoner of Lafayette. Two English ladies, admi. 
rers of the character of Lafayette, had bequeathed to him a 
legacy of four thousand pounds sterling, which was to revert, 
in case of the general's death, to his widow and children. 
This legacy was transmitted to him, at his residence in 
Holstein, and came providentially to replenish his exhausted 
finances. 

In this retreat, enjoying the hospitality and friendship of 
the most distinguished, as well as the most humble, families, 
and devoting his time to literature and to obtaining knowl- 
edge and experience in the several branches of agriculture, 
Lafayette passed nearly two years. In the mean time he 
contemplated a visit to the United States, and informed 
General Washington of his intention. But owing to the 
difficulties that existed between the French directory and 
the American government, and the high state of party feel- 
ing in the United States, Gen. Washington in reply, advi- 
sed him to postpone his visit, until the difierences^ between 
the two countries were adjusted, and harmony between the 
nations was restored. From Holstein Lafayette proceeded 
to Holland, on the special invitation of the Batavian repub- 
lick, where, in gratitude for his former services rendered to 
that state, and to the proscribed Dutch in 1787, he was re- 
ceived with the kindest attentions. Here he learned the 
memorable events of the 18th and 19th Brumaire (9th and 
10th of November, 1799) — the overthrow of the directoral 
government, and the establishment of the consulate, wUh 
the victorious Napoleon at its head— 4he end of anarchy, 



286 MFE OF LAFAYETTE, 

the beginning of despotism. Lafayette saw in this changer 
the promise of personal safety. Anxious, therefore, to be 
restored to the bosom of his country, he ventured, although his 
name had not yet been erased from the proscribed list, to re- 
turn with his family to France, and to repair at once to Paris. 

The First Consul held in high respect the virtues of La- 
fayette, and was anxious to attach the hero of two worlds 
to his views and interests. On presenting himself before the 
Council of Ancients, to accept, on the 18th of Brumaire, the 
military command, Bonaparte had pledged himself to sustain 
the republick. " We will (he exclaimed) have the republick. 
We will have it founded on genuine liberty, on the repre- 
sentative system. We will have it, I swear, in my own 
name and in the name of my companions in arras." " We 
all swear it," repeated the generals and officers of his staff, 
by whom he was accompanied to the bar. Lafayette hoped 
that these declarations were sincere. He was grateful for 
the part which Bonaparte had taken in procuring his liber- 
ation. But his intercourse with the conqueror of Italy did 
not inspire confidence. Their views were materially differ, 
ent. Bonaparte was the friend of liberty, for himself. He 
was the foe to oppression while he himself was among the 
oppressed. He was opposed to all despotick power whi©h 
he could not control or exercise. Lafayette loved lib- 
erty, not only for himself, but for all mankind. He ha- 
ted oppression, whoever might be its victims. He con- 
demned despotism, wherever found, and scorned to exercise 
himself the unjust power which he resisted or condemned in 
others. The principle of the one was selfishness, governed 
by ambition : that of the other, patriotism, exalted by 
philanthropy. 

M. Bignon, in his history of the period, remarks, that 
*' the intercourse between the First Consul and Lafayette 
was for some time maintained on an amicable footing. 
They oftener than once had conversations of three or four 
hours duration. To General Bonaparte, M. de Lafayette 
was already a character of past history. In the comrade 
of Washington, in the old commander of the national guard 
of 1789, he honoured virtues which did not belong to his 
practice. He had already, as he did again at a subsequent 
period, manifested a wish to attach Lafayette to his gov- 
ernment ; but the latter was not incliaed ta comply with 



LIFE Of LAFAYETTE. 287 

that wish. While the First Consul grew in greatness, and 
unfortunately in power. General Lafayette continued in 
retirement, the worshipper of liberty." 

Lafayette had been restored to his privileges as a citizen, 
and to his rank as a general in the French armies. When 
(in May 1802) Napoleon, in his progress towards the splen- 
dour and power of despotism, had caused the Legion of 
Honour to be instituted, and soon after had constituted a 
Senate, with extensive privileges and rich endowments, he 
caused several offers to be made to Lafayette of a seat in 
that favoured body. They were declined. Bonaparte at 
length made the offer in person. Lafayette still declined, 
in a manner which appeared satisfactory to the First Consul. 
He soon after retired from the army. In his letter to the 
minister, he said: "Connected from their commencement 
with those institutions which have triumphed in Europe, 
united by the ties of affection to the generals of the repub- 
lick, I have ever been their comrade, but I pretend not, 
after so many victims, to be their rival. I beg, then, if 
you think I ought to be put on the retired list, to have the 
goodness to request it of the First Consul." And yet, at 
that time Lafayette was in poverty. His income, which 
once amounted to 200,000 francs per year, then scarcely 
amounted to 10,000. The offices proffered by Napoleon 
■would have restored him to wealth, title, and what the world 
calls honours. He preferred independence of principle and 
consistency of character. 

Within the same year, Lafayette was to exhibit now proof 
of his firmness and integrity. Through the subserviency 
of the legislative branches, the question of appointing Bo- 
naparte First Consul for life, was submitted to and sanc- 
tioned by the French people. Called upon to vote on this 
question, Lafayette did so in these terms : "I cannot vote 
for such a magistracy, until publick liberty has been suffi- 
ciently guarantied. Then will I give my vote to Napoleon 
Bonaparte." He addressed also to the First Consul, the 
following memorable letter : 

' ' General — when a man, penetrated with the gratitude which he 
owes you, and too much alive to glory not to admire yours, has pla. 
ced restrictions on his suffrage, those restrictions will be so much the 
less suspected when it is known, that none more than himself, would 
delight to see you chief magistrate for life of a free republick. The 



288 MFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

18th brumaire saved France, and I felt that I was recalled by the lib- 
eral professions to which you have attached your honour. We after- 
wards beheld in the consular power, that restorative dictatorship, 
which, under the auspices of your genius, has achieved such great 
things, less great, however, than will be the restoration of liberty. 
It is impossible that you, general, the first in that order of men, 
(whom, to quote and compare it, would require me to retrace every 
age of history,) can wish such a revolution, so many victories, so 
much blood and miseries, should produce to the world and to ourselves 
no other result than an arbitrary system. The French people have 
too well known their rights, to have entirely forgotten them. But 
perhaps they are better enabled to recover them now with advantage 
than in the heat of effervescence ; and you, by the power of your 
character and the publick confidence, by the superiority of your 
talents, your situation, and your fortune, may, by re-estabhshing 
liberty, subdue our dangers and calm our inquietudes. I have no 
other than patriotick and personal motives in wishing for you as the 
climax of our glory, a permanent magistrative post ; but it is in unity 
with my principles, my engagements, the actions of my whole life, 
to ascertain before I vote, that liberty is established on bases worthy 
of the nation and of you. I hope you will now acknowledge, gen- 
eral, as you have already had occasion to do, that to firmness in my 
political opinions are joined my sincere wishes for your welfare and 
profound sentiments of my obligations to you." 

No answer to this letter was received. From this time, 
all intercourse between Lafayette and the First Consul 
ceased. They saw each other no more, until after the re- 
verses of Napoleon, 1814-15. 



MPE OP LAFAYETT&, 289 



CHAPTER XXVIIL 

Lafayette in the retirement of Lagrange — Suggested mission to Amer- 
ica—Is offered by President Jefferson the office of Governour of 
Louisiana — Letter declining the appointment — Mr. Jefferson's opin- 
ion of Lafayette — Letter approving his conduct in the French Rev- 
olution — Lagrange not exempt from misfortune and sorrov/ — Acci- 
dent to Lafayette — Petty resentments of Napoleon — Death of Mad- 
ame Lafayette— Her character— Lafayette's sorrow, and affectionate 
remembrance of her — Napoleon's exile to and return from Elba — 
Endeavours to conciliate the old friends of liberty — Lafayette de- 
clines his advances — Refuses the peerage — Remonstrates against 
the revival of despotism— Is elected a deputy — Battle of Waterloo-^ 
Last effort of Napoleon — Bold and patriotick declarations of Lafay- 
ette — Frustrates the despotick designs of Napoleon — Reply to Lu- 
cien Bonaparte— Advises the abdication of the Emperour— Is a com- 
missioner to treat with the allies— Endeavours to secure the liberty 
of Napoleon, and his safe conduct to America— Retires to Lagrange 
—Elected again to the Chamber of Deputies— Advocates liberal 
principles and measures— Resists the despotick encroachments un- 
der the restoration — Warns and reproaches the Bourbon dynasty — 
Is accused of treasonable designs— Challenges his adversaries to the 
proof— Is defeated in his election by the Ministry. 

While Napoleon pursued his brilliant career of victory 
and povi'er — assuming to himself the liingly crown and the 
imperial diadem — -destroying old dynasties and establishing 
new — making and unmaking kings-^conquering nation 
upon nation, and setting the world in a blaze — Lafayette, 
the true friend of his country, and reserved for its exigen- 
cies, led a quiet and honourable life in the retirements of 
Lagrange. This had been the paternal estate of Madame 
Lafayette's mother, who had perished, with her eldest daugh- 
ter, on the revolutionary scaffold. Lafayette anxiously de- 
sired the possession of this estate, as a part of his wife's 
share, in the division of the property. " I am constantly 
looking (said he, in a letter to Masclet, Dec. 1801) at the 
fields of Lagrange, till I know that they are my property, and 
that I shall be at liberty to cultivate them. The allotment of 
our shares will be finished, I hope, in three or four decades. 
Adrienne's share will be less considerable than I had ima-- 

25 



290 LIfE OF LAFAYETTE. 

gined ; but should I obtain my favoured residence of La» 
grange, with its arrondissement of wood, meadows, and ar« 
rable land, I shall arrange a good handsome farm for my- 
self, and I shall then envy the lot of none." 

His desire was in due season gratified ; and as soon as 
he had obtained possession, Lafayette applied himself with 
ardour to the improvement of the estate. To Masclet he then 
wrote : " I am here alone in my fields, where I pass a 
most agreeable life, turning to account four strong ploughs, 
and aptly demonstrating the disputed problem of the farmer 
proprietor." 

Identified as Lafayette was with the American republick, 
his name was naturally suggested, on his return from exile, 
among the candidates, as minister from the consular gov- 
ernment to that of the United States. Writing to Masclet 
on the subject, he said: "I shall not go to America, my 
dear Masclet, at least in a 4iplomatick capacity. I am far 
from abandoning the idea of making private and patriotick 
visits to the United States, and to the citizens of the new 
world ; but at present I am much more intent upon farming 
than upon embassies. It seems to me, that were I to arrive 
in America in any other costume than-an American uniform, 
I should be as embarrassed with my appearance as a savage 
in breeches." An opportunity, however, was soon presented 
to Lafayette, of visiting America, of becoming, in fact, an 
American citizen, in a capacity most honourable, and con- 
genial with his feelings. Mr. Jefferson, then President of 
the United States, having completed the purchase of Louis- 
iana, pressingly invited Lafayette to accept the office of 
provisional governeur of that territory. Considerations, 
■connected with the liberty and welfare of his native coun- 
try, prevented Lafayette from accepting this grateful offer. 
Napoleon had just assumed the title of Emperour. The 
feelings and motives of Lafayette are expressed in his letter 
to President Jefferson, (October 8th, 1804) declining the 
appointment : 

"Your proposition (he said,) offers all the advantages of dignity, 
wealth and security, and I do not feel less warmly than I have done 
these thirty years past, the desire of advancing with American liberty 
in its progress over all the continent. But you, my dear friend, you 
also know and share my wishes for French, and consequently for 
European liberty. In America the cause of mankind is gained and 
secured ; nothing can arrest, change, or sully its progress. Here all 



LIFE OP LAFAYETTir. ^l 

vegzrd it as lost and without hope. But for me to pronounce that 
sentence, to proclaim it as it were by a final expatriation, would be a 
concession so contrary to my sanguine nature, that unless I were ab- 
solutely forced, I know not the land, however disadvantageous, and 
still less can I imagine the hope, however unpromising, which I 
could totally and irrevocably abandon. This is perhaps after all but 
a weakness of heart, but in spite of the usurpations of uncontrolled 
power, and in the event of its overthrow — amidst the dangers of Jac- 
obinism excited to rage, and the still greater dangers of a royal aris- 
tocracy, more absurd, though not less sanguinary, I do not despair of 
obtaining modifications less unfavourable to the dignity and liberty of 
my countrymen. When I consider the prodigious influence of French 
doctrines upon the future destinies of the world, I think it will not 
be right in me,, one of the promoters of that resolution, to admit the 
imposibility of beholding, it, even in our time, re-established on its 
true basis of a generous, a virtuous, iu a v/ord, an American liberty.*'' 

By no American statesman were the cliaracter and ser- 
vices of Lafayette more highly appreciated than by Mr. 
Jefferson. Speaking, at a late period of hi« Jtfe,. of thJe alli- 
ance with France which secured the independence of Amer- 
ica, he said : " We commissioners in Europe placed the 
nail, and Lafayette drove it in." The full concurrence and 
approbation of Mr. Jefferson, whose democracy will never 
be doubted, added to those of Gen. Washington, will vindi- 
cate Lafayette from all charges of having departed in the 
French revolution from the strict requirements of his duty 
as a I'epubiican. In a letter written to Lafayette in 1815, 
Mr. Jefferson reminds him, that at the period of the tennis 
court oath, (see p. 217) he (Jefferson) advised an accommo- 
dation with the king, until the French nation should be fur- 
ther advanced in its political education, 

*' You thought otherwise, (he adds,) and that the dose might still 
he larger, and I found you were right ; for subsequent events proved 
they were equal to the constitution of 1791. Unfortunately, some of 
the most honest and enlightened of our patriotick friends (but closet 
politicians merely, unpractised in the knowledge of man), thought 
more could still be obtained and borne. They did not weigh the 
hazards of a transition from one form of government to another, the 
value of what they had already rescued from those hazards, and 
might hold in security if they pleased, nor the imprudence of giving 
up the certainty of such a degree of liberty, under a limited monarch, 
for the uncertainty of a little more under the form of a republick. 
You difiered from them ; you were for stopping there, and for secu- 
ring the constitution which the national Assembly had obtained. 
Here, too, you were right ; and from this fatal error of the republi- 
cans, from their separating from yourself, and the constitutionalists 
in their councils, flowed all the subsequent sufferings and crimes of 



292 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

the French nation. The hazards of a second change fell upon them 
by the way. The foreigner gained time to anarchise by gold the 
government he could not overthrow by arms, to crush in their own 
councils the genuine republicans, by the fraternal embrdces of exag- 
gerated and hireling pretenders, and to turn the machine of Jacobin- 
ism from the change to the destruction of order, and in the end the 
limited monarchy they had secured was exchanged for the unprinci- 
pled and maniac tyranny of Bonaparte." 

The peaceful abode of Lagrange, had its misfortunes and 
its sorrows. On a visit to Paris (in 1805 or 1806) Lafay- 
ette fell upon the slippery pavement, and severely fractured 
his leg. Skilful surgeons were employed, and splints and 
bandages were profusely and tightly applied, conformably 
to the practice of the day. From these and the wound La- 
fayette suffered greatly. He was confined for nearly six 
months, and remained lame for the remainder of his life. 

His son, George Washington Lafayette, had joined the 
French armies soon after his return from America. — 
Eafayette had given his consent ; not that he approved of 
the government which then ruled France ; but he considered 
it the duty of every true Frenchman to defend his country 
from invasion, "France (he said) whether free or not, is 
still our country ; and there are more germs of liberty in 
her democratick organization than could enter into the coun- 
ter-revolution. Her adversaries are the decided enemies of 
our purest principles, and have taken up arms only to ac- 
complish her utter destruction. If it appears unsuitable, 
that when Europe is divided into two bands, a young man 
of nineteen years of age should be found in neither, it appears 
evident, that the place of a patriot — of my son — can be onl3^ 
under our national standards." 

But after the refusal of Lafayette to further the ambitious 
designs of Napoleon, that aspiring chieftain extended his 
petty feelings of resentment to the connexions, and particu- 
larly to the son, of the contumacious patriot. Although 
George Washington Lafayette distinguished himself on va- 
rious occasions, Napolean could never be brought to consent 
to his promotion, Lafayette could not but feel, sensibly, 
this injustice ; but he would not consent that his son should 
leave the army on account of it, so long as the enemies of 
the country were unsubdued. The young soldier resigned 
after the peace of Tilsit, July, 1807, and became an inmate 
«)f the family at Lagrange, 



LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. 293 

But the event which at this period cast the heaviest gloom 
over the domestick circle of Lagrange, and embittered the 
retirement of Lafayette, was the death of Madame Lafayette, 
**a woman whose name (in the language of Gen. Fitzpat- 
rick) will be revered as lono; as sublime virtue shall com- 
mand respect, and unmerited affliction shall inspire compas- 
sion in the human heart." M. de Segur thus records her 
death and bears testimony to her virtues : 

" This lady, who was a model of heroism and indeed of every vir- 
tue, imbibed during her captivity and misfortunes, that disorder 
which, after protracted suffering, terminated her life on the 24th ot 
December, 1807 ; she died surrounded by a numerous family, who of 
fered up ardent prayers to heaven for her preservation. When una. 
ble to articulate, a smile played upon her lips ^t the sight of her hus- 
band and children who bathed her deathbed with tears. Devoted to 
har domestick duties, which were her only pleasure ; adorned by 
every virtue ; pious, modest, charitable, severe to herself, indulgent to 
others, she was one of the few whose pure reputation has received 
fresh lustre from the misfortunes of the revolution. Though ruined 
by our political storm, yet she scarcely seemed to recollect that she 
had ever enjoyed ample fortune. She was the happiness of her fam- 
ily, the friend of the poor, the consoler of the afflicted, an ornament 
to her country and an honour to her sex." 

This bereavement was felt severely by Lafayette, and he 
thus expressed his feelings in a letter to his friend Masclet : 

*' I was certain, my dear Masclet, that you would tenderly regret 
the adorable woman whom you were pleased to celebrate, before you 
were personally acquainted with her, and to cherish from the period 
when she was herself able to express to you her grateful friendship. 
It would be ungrateful in me to entertain a doubt of your participa- 
tion in my grief; but although such a doubt was far from my thoughts, 
I have derived a melancholy gratification from the renewed assur- 
ance of your feelings, and for that assurance, I thank you most cor- 
dially. I willingly admit, that under great misfortunes. I have felt 
myself superiour to the situation in which my friends had the kindness 
to sympathize ; but at present, I have neither the power nor the wish 
to struggle against the calamnity which has befallen me, or rather, 
to surmount the deep affliction which I shall carry with me to the 
grave. It will be mingled with the sweetest recollections of the 
thirty-four years, during which I was bound by the tenderest ties that, 
perhaps, ever existed, and with the thought of her last moments, in 
which she heaped upon me such proofs of her incomparable aifection. 
I cannot describe the happiness which, in the midst of so many vicis- 
situdes and troubles, I have constantly derived from the tender, no- 
ble, and generous feeling, ever associated to the interests which gave 
animation to my existence." 

These feelings Lafayette cherished throughout his life. 
The main door of madame Lafayette's apartment was walled 

33* 



i 
294 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

up at the time of her death, and remained so ever after. 
On certain days Lafayette repaired hither by a back door 
alone or in company with his children, to pay homage to 
her memory. "One day during his last illness, (says Clo- 
quet) I surprised him kissing her portrait, which he always 
wore suspended to his neck in a small gold medallion. 
Around the portrait were the words — " I am yours ;" and on 
the back was engraved this short and touching inscription : 
" I was then a gentle companion to you ! In that case — 
bless me." 

During the temporary exile of Napoleon to Elba, and the 
restoration of 1814, Lafayette once repaired to court, and 
was well received by the King and Monsieur his brother. 
But the renewed struggles of monarchy and Jacobinism, 
which favoured the return of Napoleon from Elba, had no 
charms for Lafayette. He took no part in publick affairs, 
until the meteorlike advent of Napoleon again arrayed 
against France the combined powers of Europe. When, 
by his rapid and astonishing movement. Napoleon had once 
more possessed himself of power, which he could not but 
deem precarious, he was anxious, in order to strengthen 
himself in the commencement of his new career, to concili- 
ate the old friends of French liberty. Joseph Bonaparte 
sought and obtained an interview with Lafayette, appealed 
to him in the name of liberty and his country, and endeav- 
oured to inspire his confidence in the sincerity and value 
of the pledges which Napoleon was about giving to the na- 
tion and the world. Lafayette acknowledged the appeal in 
behalf of the nation. He was willing to aid in defending 
it against the invasion and dictation of foreign powers ; but 
he had little confidence in the professions of the Emperour 
and desired a constitutional guaranty for the liberties of the 
people. The Act Additional, or addition to the Constitu- 
tion of 1799, 1802, and 1804, which Napoleon offered to the 
nation soon after his return from Elba in 1815, contained 
several ameliorating features. But it restored effectually 
the principles of his former despotism ; and while it recog- 
nized the liberty of the press and an elective chamber of 
deputies, it re-established an hereditary peerage. Lafay- 
ette not only refused a seat in this new chamber of peers, 
which was offered to him by Napoleon, but promptly entered 
at his commune and in the electoral college of the Seine 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 295 

and Marne, his solemn protest against these despotick fea- 
tures of the additional act. He was nevertheless elected 
president and afterwards first deputy, of the department. 

As a representative of the people, Lafayette took his seat 
in the chamber of deputies. He was chosen one of its vice- 
presidents. He endeavoured to inspire the Assembly with 
elevated views of its duties, as guardians of the rights of the 
people, as well as in regard to the attitude it should assume 
towards other nations ; and declared that its conduct would 
settle the question, whether it was to be called the represent 
tation of the French people, or simply the Napoleon Club, 
While, however, he resisted the despotick designs of the 
Emperour, he sustained every measure which was required 
for defence against the allied armies. He was in favour of 
calling out the mass of the nation, by the reorganization of 
the national guards; a measure which Napoleon dreaded? 
and refused to adopt, as dangerous to his own power. 

But, the battle of Waterloo, which took place twelve days 
after the meeting of the chambers, drove Napoleon back 
upon Paris, and sealed his destiny. He resolved, however, 
to make one mighty and desperate effort to retrieve his 
fortunes. His design was said and believed to be, to dis- 
solve the chambers, which he could not control, assume the 
dictatorship, and raise instantly an army by conscription 
to repel his invaders. Lafayette, in this crisis, exhibited 
his former courage and decision of character. He was 
desirous that the Assembly should maintain the integrity 
and just powers of the nation. He had learned that it waa 
the intention of Napoleon to dissolve the Chambers, as soon 
as they should convene on the morning of the 21st of June. 
The moment, therefore, that the Assembly had met, La- 
fayette ascended the tribune, and fearless of the consequen- 
ces, spoke and proposed as follows : — 

" When for the first time for many years, I now raise a voice whieh 
the old friends of liberty may still remember, I feel myself called 
upon, gentlemen, to address you respecting the dangers of the coun- 
try, which you alone are now able to save. 

" Sinister reports have been spread abroad ; they are now unhap- 
pily confirmed. The moment has arrived for rallying round the old 
tri-coloured standard, that of 1789, that of liberty, equality and pub- 
lick order. It is that standard alone, which we have to defend 
against foreign pretensions and internal intrigues. Permit, gentle- 
men, a veteran in this sacred cause ; one who was ever a stranger to 



296 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. 

the spirit of faction, to submit to you some provisionary resolutions, 
the necessity of which I trust you will acknowledge. 

" Art. 1. The chamber of representatives declares that the indepen- 
dence of the nation is menaced. 

" 2. The chamber declares itself permanent. Every attempt to dis- 
solve it is high treason ; and whoever is guilty of that attempt, will 
be a traitor to the country, and instantly condemned as such. 

" 3. The army of the line and the national guards who have fought 
and still are fighting to defend the liberty, the independence and the 
territory of France, have merited well of the country. 

" 2. The minister of the interiour is called upon to assemble the gen- 
eral staff and the commandants and majors of the national guard of 
Paris, in order to consider the means of arming and rendering most 
efficient that civick guard, whose patriotism and zeal, after twenty- 
six years' trial, offer a sure guarantee for the liberty, property and 
tranquillity of the capital, and for the inviolability of the representa- 
tives of the nation. 

•' 5. The minister of war, for foreign affairs, of the interiour, and 
of the police, are required to join the assembly immediately." 

These resolutions were promptly adopted, excepting that 
relative to the national guards, the consideration of which, 
through the artifice of some members, was postponed. It 
would have placed fifty thousand men at the disposal of the 
Assembly, for its own defence and that of the capital. This 
prompt movement of Lafayette frustrated the despotick and 
violent designs which Napoleon was supposed to have en- 
tertained. He hesitated during the day what course to 
pursue. At a secret session of the Assembly in the evening, 
the abdication of the Emperour was proposed. Lucien 
Bonaparte, who was present, spoke eloquently in explana- 
nation, and in vindication of Napoleon. He appealed to 
the love of glory, the generosity, and fidelity of the nation. 
It was not Napoleon, he said, that was attacked, but the 
French people ; and that the proposition then made to aban- 
don the Emperour, exposed the French nation, before the 
tribunal of the world, to a severe judgement on its levity 
and inconstancy. Lafayette rose from his seat, and with- 
out ascending the tribune, turned towards Lucien, and spoke 
with impressive composure as follows : " That is a calunj- 
nious assertion which has just been uttered. Who shall 
dare to accuse the French people of inconstancy to the 
Emperour Napoleon ? Did they not follow him through the 
sands of Egypt and along the deserts of Russia, over fifty- 
fields of battle, in disasters as faithfully as in victories ? 
And it is for having thus followed him that they have to 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 297 

mourn the blood of three millions of their countrymen !" 
These words produced a deep impression on the Assembly, 
Lucien bowed respectfully to Lafayette, and remained silent. 
The same night, after having learned what had taken place 
at the secret session of the deputies, Napoleon convened a 
council, consisting of the ministers, the president, and four 
members of the Chamber of Peers, the president and four 
vice-presidents of the Deputies, with other official persons 
and counsellors of state. He laid before them the state of 
affairs, and asked their advice. Among the conflicting 
opinions expressed, Lafayette had the candour and courage 
to intimate, that the abdication of the Emperour, under the 
circumstances, was the only safe course for himself and the 
nation. 

The next day, June 22d, Napoleon sent in his abdication. 
Lafayette was at the head of a deputation which was sent 
to thank him, in the name of the chamber, for his volun- 
tary sacrifice. A provisional government was formed, 
from which Lafayette, being neither acceptable to the 
Bonapartists nor the Bourbonites, was excluded. The 
command of the national guards was bestowed upon Mas. 
sina ; and Lafayette was sent, with other commissioners, to 
treat with the allies for an armistice. The English am- 
bassador having raised doubts respecting the legal character 
of a chamber convoked by Buonaparte, Lafayette replied, 
" I am astonished that an Englishman should hesitate to 
acknowledge, that the authority of a national assembly is 
derived rather from those who elect, than from him who 
convokes it." The question being at length put to Lafay- 
ette, whether peace would be accepted on condition of giving 
up Bonaparte to the allies? " I am surprised (he answered), 
that in making so odious a proposition to the French nation, 
you should have addressed yourself to one of the prisoners 
of Olmutz," Lafayette had treated Napoleon in his ad- 
versity, with personal kindness and respect; had previously 
stipulated in the Assembly, that the liberty and life of the 
Emperour should be guarantied by the French nation ; and 
had endeavoured, before his departure, to obtain for Napo- 
leon two frigates to conduct him to the United States. 

But the negotiations of Lafayette were in vain. On his 
return to Paris, he found it in the possession of the allies. 
The famous declaration of the chamber of deputies, assert- 



298 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

ing the right of France to self-government, and requiring 
guaranties for the civil and religious rights of the people 
from those who were about to propose a government for it, 
was signed by Lafayette on the 6th of July. Two days 
thereafter, the doors of the chamber were closed against the 
representatives. Lafayette invited the deputies to meet at 
his- house; from whence two hundred of them proceeded to 
the residence of the president, where a spirited, but useless 
protest, was adopted and signed. On the 8th of July, 
Louis XVIIF re-entered the French capital in triumph. 
The throne of the Bourbons was again restored by foreign 
bayonets. Lafayette retired once more to Lagrange, and 
resumed his favourite occupations and improvements. 

Called again from his retirement by the people, and 
elected, to the chamber of deputies,. Lafayette, as a member 
of that body, during the year 1819 and the four succeeding 
years, boldly resisted the encroachments of the government 
upon the rights of the people, and sustained the free princi- 
ples which he had throughout his life professed. In the 
discussions of the period he took a prominent part, and his 
speeches were distinguished by sound reasoning, and elo- 
quent appeals in behalf of liberty and justice. In the com- 
mencement he opposed the restrictions upon the right of 
suffrage, and moved, " that the institution of the trial by 
jury should be restored, with all its protective forms, and^ 
that the recall of banished persons should be the termina- 
tion of all measures of proscription." He contended that 
the institution of the national guards was the best safeguard 
for the liberties of the people and the security and indepen. 
dene© of the nation ;• and in 1820, brought forward a pro- 
position for their re-organization. " I feel implicit confi- 
dence (he said) in our young army ; it will prove itself, 
when occasion requires, always brave, always patriotick, 
two essential conditions of honour for the warriours of a 
free country. To name our veterans, is to retrace their 
glory and our gratitude. But the country requires a third 
barrier of our independence and our territory, and an indis- 
pensable guaranty of liberty and order, viz :^-the national 
guard." The proposition, however, was unsuccessful. 
Lafaj'^ette was also for increasing the French navy, and 
rendering it more efficient for national defence. On that 
occasion he complimented the navy of the United States, 



LIFE O^ LAFAYETTE. 299 

"^"^ whose fleet, (he said) since its creation, and during two 
severe wars against Great Britain, with equal, and often 
with inferiour force, never once failed to gain the advantage.'* 

The ministers had brought forward measures hostile to 
personal liberty. In opposing them, Lafayette said : — 
" Thirty years ago, in the assembly of the notables, of 1787, 
I was the first to demand the abolition of letters-de-cachet : 
1 now vote against their restoration." In opposition to the 
censorship of the press, he exclaimed : " Let the charter 
be respected ; for to violate it would be to dissolve it, to 
dissolve the mutual guarantees of the nation and the throne, 
to throw ourselves back to the primitive independence of 
our rights and duties." 

In advocating the reform of the criminal code, Lafayette 
avowed himself, as he did on other occasions, in favour of 
abolishing capital punishment. 

Lafayette continued to remonstrate against the high- 
handed measures of the government, and to warn the Bour- 
bon dynasty of the inevitable consequences of their attempts 
to restore the old order of despotism. He openly accused 
them of violating their pledges to the French people. 

"The charter (he said) was presented as a guarantee for personal 
liberty, the liberty of the press, the liberty of religious worship, the 
equality of rights, the independence of the jury, the inviolability of 
all property, and as the pledge of a representative system which 
might render effectual this recent acknowledgment of our rights and 
the fruits of the revolution. 

"Well, gentlemen, what has ensued? The liberty of the press, 
and personal liberty, have once more been sacrificed ; the organick 
laws of the municipal system, of the administrative system, of the in- 
dependence of juries, of the responsibility of the agents of power, 
which we were informed were all ready last year ; and the King's 
commissioners say they now are, are obstinately withheld. Govern- 
ment will neither form nor arm the national guard, which, therefore, 
has no resource in this moment of danger, but to rise spontaneously. 

"-Now, gentlemen," continued he, " are we no longer permitted 
to think that a nation belongs to herself, and is not the property of 
any one ; that in u free country every soldier is the soldier of his coun- 
.try ; that we owe obedience only to legal orders, and not to oppres- 
sion ; for despotism, whatever form it may assume, is the most inso- 
lent of revolutions, the most scandalous and lasting of publick dis- 
orders !" 

In 1823, a crisis seemed to be at hand. Manuel, a dep- 
uty and friend of Lafayette, had been violently expelled from 
the chamber of deputies, for the freedom with which he had 



300 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. 

declared his political opinions. Lafayette on this occasion 
retired with sixty of his colleagues, and signed a protest 
which declared, that the piiblick taxes having beconne ille- 
gal by the violation of the liberty of the representatives, 
their payment was not obligatory. 

At a previous session, in vindicating the beneficial results 
of the revolution, Lafayette had said ; " The revolution 
was the emancipation and developement of the human fac- 
ulties, and the restoration of nations. This is so true, that 
the friends of liberty have always been and still are, hated 
by the adversaries of the revolution, in proportion to the 
efforts they have made to prevent it being sullied by crimes 
and successes." The truth of this latter declaration had 
formerly been, and was again to be, verified in his own case. 
The independence of his course as a deputy, the boldness 
with which he had denounced usurpations and abuses, and 
appealed to the patriotism and energy of the people, brought 
upon him the displeasure of the government, and furnished 
pretexts for formal accusations. In 1823, a positive accu- 
sation of treasonable designs was brought by the procureur 
du roi, (Manguin) who pretended to have proof against 
Lafayette, and who, in the excess of his monarchical zeal, 
exclaimed : " Ah ! were I but his judge !" The colleagues 
of Lafayette, who were implicated with him, having deman- 
ded justice against the calumny, Lafayette mounted the tri- 
bune, and without deigning to deny the fact, spoke as follows : 

*' In spite of my habitual indifference to party accusations and an- 
irnosities, I still think myself bound to add a few words to what has 
fallen from my honourable friend. During the whole course of a 
life entirely devoted to the cause of liberty, I have constantly been an 
object of attack to the enemies of that cause, under whatever form, 
despotick, aristocratick, anarchick, they have endeavoured to combat 
it. I do not complain, then, because I observe some affectation in the 
use of the word proved, which the procureur-general has employed 
against me. But I join my honourable friends in demanding a pub- 
lick inquiry, within the walls of the chamber, and in the face of the 
nation ; there I and my adversaries to whatever rank they belong, 
may declare without reserve all that we have mutually had to re- 
proach each other with, for the last thirty years," 

Before this challenge the adversaries of Lafayette recoil- 
ed, and the accusation was pursued no further. Through 
intrigues and election frauds, however, the ministry suc- 
ceeded the same year (1823) in defeating his election to 
the septennial chamber of deputies. 



MFJE OP LAFAYETTE. 301 



CHAPTER XXIX. 

Lafayette determines to visit America — His departure and voyage-^' 
Arrives at New York — Is received with enthusiasm — Journey to and 
reception at Boston— Returns to New York— Brilliant fete at Castle 
Garden --Voyage up the Hudson— Return— Goes south — Reception 
at Philadelphia — Visit of Lafayette to the tomb of Washington — 
Celebration at Yorktown— Honours and Hospitalities in Virginia — 
Returns to Washington- -Reception by Congress — Address of Mr. 
Clay — Lafayette's answer — Munificent act of Congress — How re-- 
ceived and accepted by Lafayette — Rapid tour through the Southern 
and Western States — Sketch of the route and some of the incidents 
of his journey — Arrives in Boston — Universal astonishment at the 
journey performed — The anniversary of the Battle of Bunker Hill — 
Lafayette assists in laying the corner stone of the monument — Re- 
turns to Washington— Farewell visit to the Ex-presidents in Vir- 
ginia — Celebration of Lafayette's birthday — Close of his tour — Its 
incidents and character — Farewell address of President Adams — ' 
Lafayette^s reply— Embarks on board the frigate Brandywine—Bids 
a final adieu to America. 

Left once more to pursue his private inclinations, La- 
fayette determined to gratify the wish he had long enter* 
tained, of revisiting America— America, the scene of his 
youthful glory, and the long-cherished object of his affec- 
tionate remembrance. His intention soon became known 
in the United States, and created a deep sensation among 
the publick authorities and all classes of the people. Mr» 
Monroe, then president, promptly wrote to Lafayette, offer., 
ing to send a frigate to any part of France, to convey him 
to the United States, at such time as he should appoint. 
Congress, in February, passed a resolution repeating the 
offer of a frigate, and expressing to Lafayette the sincere 
attachment of the whole nation, with the ardent desire to 
see him among them. This resolution was communicated 
officially to Lafayette by President Monroe, under date of 
February 24th, 1824. The municipal authorities of Boston, 
New York, and other cities of the Union, also wrote to La- 
fayette, tendering to him in advance the hospitality of their 
respective cities. 

Lafayette declined, with respectful acknowledgments, the 

26 



302 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

offer of a frigate. Accompanied only by his son, and M, 
Levasseur, his secretary, he repaired to Havre, on the 12th 
July, having engaged a passage in an American merchant 
ship, the Cadmus. The citizens of Havre had prepared to 
manifest their respect for Lafayette on his arrival among 
them ; but the interference of the police, the creatures of a 
government verging towards despotism or dissolution, pre- 
vented the publick manifestations which had been arranged. 
When he embarked, however, the next day, July 13, a large 
concourse of people assembled to witness his departure, and 
in despite of the minions of power, gave a spontaneous mani- 
festation of their feelings. Lafayette was received on board 
the Cadmus with three hearty cheers, which were re-echoed 
by the crews of the vessels in port, and the immense crowds 
which thronged the shore. The sails were soon after spread 
to a favourable breeze, and the vessel proceeded on its me- 
morable voyage. 

On the first of August, while the vessel was becalmedj 
and Lafayette was seated upon deck with other passengers, 
enjoying the quiet scene of an unruffled ocean, a small boat 
approached, filled with persons in uniform. They proved 
to be British officers from a vessel on its way to Halifax, 
which was also becalmed within sight of the Cadmus. The 
officers came on board, and exhibited at first no little arro- 
gance of manners. In reply to their questions as to the 
character and destination of his vessel, Capt. AUyn, of the 
Cadmus, named and pointed out to them General Lafayette. 
The manner of the officers immediately changed. They 
took off their hats, and received the proffered hand of the 
general with cordiality and respect. They partook of re- 
freshments with him, conversed for half an hour, and took 
leave in the most respectful manner. It was a tribute paid 
to the valour and virtue of the man, and not to Lafayette 
as one of the conquering heroes of the American revolution. 

The Cadmus arrived within Sandy Hook on the morning 
of the 15th of August. The artillery of fort Lafayette an- 
nounced to the city of New York the approach of the "Na- 
tion's Guest." It being Sunday, Lafayette accepted the 
invitation of Vice-President Tompkins, to land on Staten 
Island, and remain at his hospitable mansion until the next 
day. 

The reception of Lafayette by the authorities and people 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 303' 

of the city of New York, was cordial and splendid beyond 
precedent or description. Early on the rooming of the 16th, 
the city poured forth its aquatick hosts, anxious to have the 
first glimpse of a man to whom the whole nation was pre- 
pared to give so warm and well- merited a welcome. The 
spacious bay was soon covered with water craft of every 
size and description, from the fragile skiff to the most spa- 
cious and splendid steamer, decorated with flags and banners, 
and filled with excited multitudes of both sexes and all clas. 
ses of citizens. Amidst this scene Lafayette embarked from 
Staten Island on board the steam-boat Chancellor Living- 
ston, which had been designated to convey him up the bay. 
On board of this boat, to receive and escort him, were the 
various deputations of the city, the generals and officers of 
the militia, the army and navy ; a detachment of infantry, 
and more than two hundred of the principal citizens of New 
York. Among these Lafayette soon recognized several of 
his old fellow-soldiers, who rushed into his arras, overjoyed 
to behold him once more in the land he had contributed to 
make free and prosperous, after an absence of forty years, 
during which he had undergone so many dangers and suT- 
ferings for the cause of liberty in other lands. A general 
greeting followed. While these scenes of gratitude and j )y 
were passing, a band of musick struck up the favourii*;" 
French air, " Ou peut-on etre mieiix qu'au sein de safamiUe'^ 
- — Where can one be better than in the bosom of his family I 
The immense flotilla, splendid and imposing beyond the power 
of language to describe, moved forward ; and at two o'clock 
Lafayette landed at the Battery, " amidst the acclamations 
of two hundred thousand voices, which hailed him with bless- 
ing and welcome." He was met by the Lafayette Guards, 
who wore badges upon their breasts with the portrait of 
Lafayette, and escorted in front of a long line of militia, 
drawn up to receive him, and who were all decorated with 
a similar badge. At the end of this line, amidst the roar of 
cannon from the forts and the shores, Lafayette entered an 
open barouche, drawn by four white horses, and, amidst an 
immense procession, was escorted to the city hall, where 
the municipal authorities, headed by the mayor, awaited to 
receive him in an appropriate manner. Every street through 
which the procession passed, was decorated with scrolls and 
flags. From the crowded windows wreaths of flowers were 



304 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. 

showered by fair hands upon the venerable head of the gen- 
eral ; and the words " Welcome Lafayette !" were displayed 
upon thousands of banners, and echoed and re-echoed from 
thousands of tongues. In the great saloon of the city hall, 
Lafayette for two hours received the enthusiastick greetings 
of the people. From thence he was conducted to lodgings 
which had been prepared for him at the City Hotel, at that 
time the largest and most popular publick house in the city, 
where a splendid dinner, at which all the civil and military 
authorities were present, closed the proceedings of the day. 

For four days Lafayette remained in New York, receiv- 
ing the congratulations of numerous publick bodies, of his 
old friends and the citizens generally. On the 20th of Au- 
gust, accompanied by a numerous escort, he commenced 
his route to Boston. From every hamlet and village on 
the way, the people poured forth to pay him honours and to 
bid him welcome. Five days and five nights, for they trav- 
elled until midnight and started again at five o'clock in the 
morning, were occupied in this journey. But amidst the 
numerous displays of a nation's gratitude, these night 
marches were not the least pleasing or imposing. "The 
long file of carriages (says Levasseur) escorted by horse- 
men bearing torches ; the fires lighted from place to place 
wpon the tops of the hills, and around which were grouped 
families whom the desire of beholding their guest had kept 
watching ; the somewhat wild sound of the trumpet of our 
escort, repeated several times by our woodland echoes, the 
sight of the sea, which occasionally came into view on our 
right, and the distant and decreasing peal of the bells which 
had announced our passage, all formed around us a pictu- 
resque and enchanting scene. In this manner we passed 
through Fairfield, New Haven and New London^ in Con- 
necticut ; Providence, in Rhode Island, and finally the route 
from Rhode Island to Boston." 

On the frontier of Massachusetts, Lafayette wa& met by 
the aids of Governour Eustis, and a fresh escort. They 
arrived by torch-light at the village of Roxbury, the resi- 
dence of Governour Eustis, two miles from Boston. There 
they remained for the night. 

The next morning Lafayette entered Boston, aceompa- 
nied by a numerous escort, and a large concourse of citi- 
zens who came out to meet him. His reception by the 



LirE OF LAFAYEttE, 305 

i^ttbiick authorities^ and trie people, was no less cordial and' 
imposing than it had been in the city of New York. A se- 
ries of splendid publick festivals and private manifestations 
of welcome, occupied the six days which Lafayette passed 
in Boston, during which time he paid an interesting visit to 
Bunker Hill, and to the venerable Ex-president Adams, in 
his quiet residence at Quincy. From thence he passed by 
land through the principal towns and cities of New Hamp- 
shire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island and Connecticut to 
Hartford. His journey was throughout a scene of splendid 
triumph. The brief inscriptions on the triumphal arches 
under which he passed, spoke truly the feelings of the peo- 
ple : — " Honour to Lafayette ! Honour to him who fought 
and shed his blood for the peace and happiness which we 
enjoy !" " Lafayette, friend and defender of liberty, wel- 
come to the land of your adoption !" "In the days of our 
adversity, thou didst aid us — in the days of our prosperity, 
we recall thy services with gratitude !" 

Returned to New York, Lafayette again underwent, for 
eight days, an almost unceasing round of publick honours and 
private hospitalities. On the evening of the 13th of Sept., 
preparatory to his departure on a tour up the North River, 
a splendid festival, or ball, took place at Castle Garden. 
fn the vast amphitheatre of that military edifice, which is 
about six hundred feet in circumference, nearly six thousand 
persons, comprising the beauty and fashion, the political, 
civil and military array, of that great metropolis, were as- 
sembled. In the middle of the bridge which leads from the 
battery to the fort, was a pyramid sixty feet high, illumi- 
nated with variegated lamps, and surmounted by a brilliant 
star, in the centre of which blazed the name of Lafayette. 
Along this bridge, which was covered with rich carpets, and 
lined on each side with rows of green trees and flowers, La- 
fayette was escorted. At the entrance of the castle, he 
passed under a triumphal arch of flowers, surmounted by a 
colossal statue of Washington, resting upon two cannon. 
In the centre of the amphitheatre stood the genius of Amer- 
ica, bearing a shield, upon which were inscribed the words, 
"To the Nation's Guest." A column, sixty feet high, sup- 
ported an arch composed of the flags of all nations, ingeni- 
ojlsly woven together ; around the sides were disposed thir- 
teen smaller columns) bearing the arms of the original States^ 

26=^ 



306 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

of the Union ; and the whole interiour was most brliliant'ly 
illuminated. When Lafayette entered upon this brilliant 
scene, a powerful band struck up the air, " See, the con- 
quering hero comes ;" and amidst the applauses of the mul. 
titude, he was conducted to a splendid marquee which had 
been prepared for him, among the decorations of which was 
a bust of Hamilton and two pieces of cannon taken at York- 
town. But to the splendours of this reception, a more sim- 
ple and touching incident followed. Scarcely was he seated, 
when a curtain upon the gallery in front of him was sud- 
denly withdrawn, and exhibited an elegant transparency, 
which represented an exact view of Lagrange, the residence 
of Lafayette, with its gothick towers, ditches and parks, 
and beneath it the inscription, " J his is his home T This 
simple and delicate device, made a deeper impression upon 
Lafayette than all the pomp and pageantry beside. 

From this brilliant and happy assemblage, Lafayette 
embarked with a large party on board the steam-boat Ghan^- 
cellor Kent, and pursued his voyage up the Hudson. The 
reader may well imagine that it was not one of solitude or 
indifference ; and that Lafayette's reception by the inhabi- 
tants of the flourishing towns and fertile banks of the Hud- 
son, who rushed to the shores and wharves to greet and wel- 
come him, was not less cordial and enthusiastiek than that 
which he had experienced on his late tour to the eastward. 

After visiting Albany and Troy, Lafayette returned to 
the city of New York ; enjoyed there a ^qw days of repose, 
and left, on the 22d of September, for Washington. At 
Philadelphia, where he first exhibited his devotion to the 
cause of America, had passed so many days during the rev- 
olution, and was endeared by so many recollections to the 
inhabitants, a most brilliant reception awaited him. 

On his approach to the city, he was received by the civil 
and military officers, and about 6000 uniform volunteer mi- 
litia, drawn up in a hollow square, amidst the thunder of 
cannon. On their march, literally the whole population 
came out to meet Lafayette. At the sides of the streets, 
stages were erected, as high as the eaves of the houses, to 
accommodate the anxious spectators. The various trades 
and workmen, had assembled in uniform bodies, with minia- 
ture workshops and implements of their trades upon cars. 
These were surmounted with appropriate flags and baouersj 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 307 

containing the portraits of Washington and Lafayette, with 
this inscription : " To their wisdom and courage we owe the 
free exercise of our industry." The children of the publick 
schools followed in the procession, bearing badges with 
the portrait of the general, and the motto "Welcome 
Lafayette." The general was seated in a magnificent 
barouche, drawn b}^ six horses ; and near him, in four 
open cars, resembling tents, were forty revolutionary sol- 
diers. The mayor, and other municipal authorities, with 
numerous columns of military, completed the brilliant pro- 
cession. After passing through the principal streets, and un- 
der thirteen triumphal arches, and being joined by the mem-^ 
bers of the legislature and the judiciary, the procession re- 
paired to the Hall of Independence. In this ancient edifice^, 
where the Declaration of Independence was adopted and 
signed, and at the door of which, in 1777, Lafayette waited 
with impatience the answer of Congress to his generous offer 
of his fortune and services in the cause of America, La- 
fayette was now impressively addressed by the Mayor of 
Philadelphia, and answered eloquently, with deep and natu- 
ral emotion. The greetings of the people followed, and 
lasted for several hours. A splendid dinner was served up, 
and " at night, (says Levasseur) a population of one hun- 
dred and twenty thousand souls, augmented by forty thou- 
sand strangers from various parts of the Union, walked 
about by the light of an illumination, celebrating the exploits 
of the champion of liberty ; and these rejoicings of the peo- 
ple, which in Europe under the protection of the police 
would have been signalized by murders, robberies, and acci- 
dents of all sorts, here passed without the slightest disorder." 

For eight days Lafayette continued to receive the unflag- 
ging hospitalities of the city of brotherly love. A similar re- 
ception awaited him at Baltimore; and at Washington city he 
was entertained for several days by President Monroe, the cit- 
izens and heads of departments. Congress not being in session. 

Great preparations had been made by the military of 
Virginia, to celebrate the anniversary of the capture of 
Yorktown, in anticipation of Lafayette's presence on the 
occasion. He therefore, on the 17th of October, left Wash- 
ington for the purpose, accompanied by an escort from Vir- 
ginia. Descending the Potomack in a steam-boat, Lafayette 
embraced the opportunity to visit the tomb of his departed' 



308 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

friend and commander, Washington. This interesting visit 
is thus related by Levasseur : 

"After a voyage of two hours, the guns of fort Washington an=. 
nounced that we were approaching the last abode of the father of his 
country. At this solemn signal, to which the military band accom- 
panying us responded by plaintive strains, we went on deck, and the 
venerable soil of Mount Vernon was before us ; at this view an in- 
voluntary and spontaneous movement made us kneel. We landed in 
boats, and trod upon the ground so often worn by the feet of Washing- 
ton. A carriage received general Lafayette, and the other visiters 
silently ascended the precipitous path which conducted to the solitary 
habitation of Mount Vernon. ******* 

" Three nephews of Gen. Washington took Lafayette, his son, and 
myself, to conduct us to the tomb of their uncle ; our numerous com- 
panions remained in the house ; in a few minutes after, the cannon of 
the fort, thundering anew, announced that Lafayette rendered homage 
to the ashes of Washington. Simple and modest as he was during 
life, the tomb of the citizen-hero is scarcely perceived amid the sombre 
cypresses by which it is surrounded : a vault slightly elevated and 
sodded over, a wooden door without inscriptions, some withered and 
some green garlands, indicate to the traveller who visits this spot, the 
place where rest in peace the puissant arms which broke the 
chains of his country. As we approached, the door was opened ; 
Lafayette descended alone into the vault, and a few minutes after re- 
appeared, with his eyes overflowing with tears. He took his son and 
me by the hand, and led us into the tomb, where by a sign he indica- 
ted the cofRn of his paternal friend, along side of which was that of 
his companion in life, united to him for ever in the grave. We knelt 
reverentially near his coffin, which we respectfully saluted with our 
lips ; rising, we threw ourselves into the arms of Lafayette, and mingled- 
our tears with his." 

Received upon the plains of Yorktown, by an enthusiastick 
encampment of hospitable Virginians, a triumphal arch erect- 
ed over the site of the redoubt which he carried at the head of 
the American troops at the siege of Yorktown, an eloquent 
address, and a wreath placed upon his brow by fair hands,' 
amidst loud and repeated plaudits, were to Lafayette the 
outward tokens of their grateful remembrance. An appro- 
priate celebration of the day followed. Lafayette occupied 
as his head-quarters, the same house in which Cornwallis 
had his, 43 years before, during the siege of Yorktown. 
Some servants, in examining the cellar, discovered an an- 
tique chest, which, on opening, they found to contain can- 
dles, blackened by time, and which, by the inscription on the' 
lid, were known to have formed part of Cornwallis' stores 
during the siege. This discovery being proclaimed, the can- ■ 



MPE OP LAFAYETTE. 309 

dies were in due time lighted and arrayed in circles in the 
centre of the camp, where dancing was one of the amuse- 
ments of the evening. Levasseur says that the old revolu- 
tionary soldiers were so elated by the amusing idea of a ball 
in Yorktown in 1824, by the light of Cornwallis' candles, 
that notwithstanding their great age and the fatigues of the 
day, most of them were unwilling to retire until the candles 
were entirely consumed. 

After receiving the honours and hospitalities of Virginia 
at Richmond, Petersburgh, and other places, and passing 
some days with Mr. .TefFerson and Mr. Madison, at their 
respective residences, Lafayette left Orange Court-House, 
where he had been addressed by Governour Barbour, in be- 
half of the citizens, on the 20th of November, to return to 
the city of Washington. He had not gone far, when he 
discovered a crowd collected about a triumphal arch, erected 
across the road, where it was intersected by a narrow path, 
then scarcely perceptible for the thickness of foliage. Over 
this path, which excited the attention and interest of the 
assembled multitude, young females were strewing flowers. 
It was the road opened or discovered by Lafayette, by which, 
on the night of the 15th of June, 1781, he evaded the vigi- 
lance of Cornwallis, and placed himself in an advantageous 
position, between the British army and their object, the 
magazines at Albemarle. (See p. 3 70.) This new proof 
of the honourable recollection of the Virginians, greatly af. 
fected Lafayette. The ladies covered Lafayette with flowers 
as he descended from his carriage, and beneath the triumphal 
arch he received the hearty congratulations of the people. 
Arrived at Fredericksburgh the same day, these congratu^ 
lations were repeated, and terminated with a splendid sup- 
per and ball. 

Such was the usu.?.\ Jtnale of the entertainments, in most 
of the cities and villages which Lafayette visited. The 
" grave and the gay, the lively and severe," were thus 
harmoniously united. The younger classes, the female 
population, beauty and vivacity, were thus enabled to wel- 
come the " Nation's Guest," and to manifest their joy at 
beholding among them the hero, whose history to them was 
like a romance of chivalry — the champion, who came from 
a foreign land, to the rescue of their fathers and their mo- 
thers from bondage, and had revisited America, after a long 



310 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

absence, to behold the fruits of his toils and sacrifices. 
To these vivid manifestations Lafayette gracefully submit- 
ted. He was affable in manners, and familiar in conversa- 
tion, and felt himself at home in all situations. On these 
occasions, as throughout the declining period of his life, he 
enforced by his example the precept of the Christian philos- 
opher : — " Let not the stricken in years forget that they 
were once young." 

The session of Congress commenced on the 6th of De- 
cember. Their first act after organization was one of pub- 
lick congratulation and respect to Lafayette. He was in- 
troduced in form, first to the Senate and next to the House 
of Representatives. On entering the House, escorted by a 
deputation, the whole assembly rose and stood uncovered in 
silence. When he had reached the centre of the hall, the 
Speaker, Mr. Clay, thus addressed him : 

" General— The house of representatives of the United States, 
impelled alike by its own feelings, and by those of the whole Ameri. 
can people, could not have assigned to me a more gratifying duty, 
than that of presenting to you cordial congratulations upon the occa- 
sion of your recent arrival in the United States, in compliance with 
the wishes of congress, and to assure you of the very high satisfaction 
which your presence affords on this early theatre of your glory and 
renown. Although but few of the members who compose this body 
shared with you in the war of our revolution, all have, from impartial^ 
history or from faithful tradition, a knowledge of the perils, the suf- 
ferings, and the sacrifices which you voluntarily encountered, and the 
signal services, in America and in Europe, which you performed for 
an infant, a distant, and an alien people ; and all feel and own the 
very great extent of the obligations under which you have placed our 
country. But the relations in which you have ever stood to the Uni- 
ted States, interesting and important as they have been, do not con- 
stitute the only motive of the respect and admiration which the house 
of representatives entertain for you. Your consistency of character, 
your uniform devotion to regulated liberty, in all the vicissitudes of a 
long and arduous life, also commands its admiration. During all the 
recent convulsions of Europe, amidst, as after the dispersion of, every 
political storm, the people of the United States have beheld you, true 
to your old principles, firm and erect, cheering and animating, with 
your well known voice, the votaries of liberty, its faithful and fearless 
champion, ready to shed the last drop of that blood which here you so 
freely and nobly spilt, in the same holy cause. 

" The vain wish has been sometimes indulged, that Providence 
would allow the patriot, after death, to return to his country, and to 
contemplate the intermediate changes which had taken place — to view 
the forests felled, the cities built, the mountains levelled, the canals 
cut, the highways constructed, the progress of the arts, the advance- 



LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. 311 

ment of learning, and the increase of population — General, your pres- 
ent visit to the United States is a realization of the consoling object 
of that wish. You are in the midst of posterity. Every where, you 
must have been struck with the great changes, physical and moral, 
which have occurred since you left us. Even this very city, bearing 
a venerated name, alike endeared to you and to us, has since emerged 
from the forest which then covered its site. In one respect, you be- 
hold us unaltered, and this is in the sentiment of continued devotion 
to liberty, and of ardent affection and prbfound gratitude to your de- 
parted friend, the father of his country, and to you, and to your illus- 
trious associates in the field and in the cabinet, for the multiplied 
blessings which surround us, and for the very privilege of addressing 
you, which I now exercise. This sentiment, now fondly cherished 
by more than ten millions of people, will be transmitted, with unaba- 
ted vigour, down the tide of time, through the countless millions who 
are destined to inhabit this continent, to the latest posterity." 

Lafayette, though greatly moved, advanced a few steps 
towards the speaker, and after a few moments of hesitation, 
delivered in a clear and audible voice the following reply : 

" Mr. Speaker and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives — While 
the people of the United States, and their honourable representatives 
in congress, have deigned to make choice of me, one of the American 
veterans, to signify, in his person, their esteem for our joint services, 
and their attachment to the principles for which we have had the 
honour to fight and bleed, I am proud and happy to share those extra- 
ordinary favours with my dear revolutionary companions ; yet it would 
be, on my part, un candid and ungrateful, not to acknowledge my per- 
sonal share in those testimonies of kindness, as they excite in my breast 
emotions which no words are adequate to express. 

" My obligations to the United States, sir, far exceed any merit I 
might claim ; they date from the time when I have had the happiness 
to be adopted as a young soldier, a favoured son of America ; they 
have been continued to me during almost a half century of constant 
affection and confidence ; and now, sir, thanks to your most gratify- 
ing invitation, I find myself greeted by a series of welcomes, one hour 
of which would more than compensate for the publick exertions and 
sufferings of a whole life. 

" The approbation of the American people, and their representatives, 
for my conduct, during the vicissitudes of the European revolution, 
is the highest reward I could receive. Well may I stand firm and 
erect, when, in their names, and by you, Mr. Speaker, I am declared 
to have, in every instance, been faithful to those American principles 
of liberty, equality, and true social order, the devotion to which, as it 
has been from my earliest youth, so it shall continue to be to my latest 
breath. 

"You have been pleased, Mr. Speaker, to allude to the peculiar fco 
licity of my situation, when, after so long an absence, I am called to 
witness the immense improvements, the admirable communications, 
the prodigious creations, of which we find an example in this city, 
whose name itself is a venerated palladium ; in a word, all the gran- 



312 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

deur and prosperity of those happy United States, who, at the same 
time they nobly secure the complete assertion of American independ- 
ence, reflect, on every part of the world, the light of a far superiour 
political civilization. 

" What better pledge can be given, of a persevering, national love 
of liberty, when these blessings are evidently the result of a virtuous 
resistance to oppression, and institutions founded on the rights of man, 
and the republican principles of self-government ? 

"No, Mr. Speaker, posterity has not begun for me, since, in the 
sons of my companions and friends, I find the same publick feelings ; 
and permit me to add, the same feelings in my behalf, which I have 
had the happiness to experience in their fathers. 

" Sir, I have been allowed, forty years ago, before a committee of a 
congress of thirteen states, to express the fond wishes of an American 
heart ; on this day, I have the honour and enjoy the delight, to con- 
gratulate the representatives of the Union, so vastly enlarged, on the 
realization of those wishes, even beyond every human expectation, and 
upon the almost infinite prospects we can with certainty anticipate ; 
permit me, Mr. Speaker and gentlemen of the house of representatives, 
to join to the expression of those sentiments, a tribute of my lively 
gratitude, affectionate devotion, and profound respect." 

To these honourable proceedings, a more substantial proof 
of the gratitude of the nation succeeded. The president, in 
his message, had recommended the subject to the considera- 
tion of Congress ; the publick sentiment, every where ex- 
pressed, enforced upon the representatives of the people the 
recommendation of the president. In compliance therewith, 
a committee of Congress promptly reported a bill, granting 
to Lafayette, in compensation for his important services 
and expenditures during the American revolution, the sum 
of two hundred thousand dollars, and one complete township 
of land, to be located on any of the publick lands which re- 
main unsold. 

In advocating this bill, Mr. Hayne of South Carolina, 
chairman of the committee of the Senate which reported it, 
stated the fact, that Lafayette, during the six years he had 
been engaged in the service of America, had expended one 
hundred and forty thousand dollars of his fortune. It is 
stated elsewhere, that he diminished his fortune in the ser- 
vice of this country, at least two hundred thousand dollars, 
which is doubtless nearer the truth. In the language of 
Mr. Hayne, " he was in a state of prosperity, and in the 
enjoyment of a plentiful fortune in his own country, when 
he resolved to come to this. He purchased a ship, raised, 
equipjped, armed and clothed a regiment at his own expense ; 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE, 313 

and when he landed on these coasts, he came freighted with 
the munitions of war, which he distributed gratuitously to 
our army. It is on record that he clothed and put shoes on 
the feet of the naked, suffering soldiers of America, and 
that during six years he sacrificed one hundred and forty 
thousand [200,000] dollars. He asked for no compensa- 
tion — he made out no account — he received no pay — he 
spent his fortune for this country ; and not only gave his 
services, but hazardod his life in its defence, shed his blood 
in its service, and returned home, broken in his fortune." 
To this catalogue of Lafayette's sacrifices and services 
might have been added, that the remnants of his estates 
were confiscated ; his family persecuted, and he himself 
confined five years in loathsome dungeons, for his devotion 
to the cause of America, and to those principles upon which 
her existence as a free nation depends. The bill, therefore, 
which we have recited, and which, with the opposition of a 
few constitutionally scrupulous members, promptly passed 
both houses of Congress, was the acknowledgment and 
payment of a pecuniary debt. It was the embodying, but 
not the exhaustion, of those grateful feelings which had been 
enthusiastically expressed, and will be enduringly cherished, 
by the whole American people, towards the illustrious de- 
fender of their country, and the benefactor of the human race* 
Lafayette, while this bill was matured and passed, was at 
Annapolis, unconscious of what was going forward at Wash- 
ington. He had been invited there by the legislature, to 
receive publick congratulations in behalf of the people of 
Maryland. On returning to Washington, he was surprised 
and embarrassed by the munificent act of Congress. Nei- 
ther claiming nor expecting such a remuneration, he hesi- 
tated about its acceptance. A proffer thus honourably ten- 
dered, in behalf of a whole people, could not well be declined* 
That it was opportune, both in character and season, is not 
to be denied. Possessed of Lagrange, and the mutilated 
fields of Chevaniac, as the sole property of his family, upon 
which he had exhausted his resources in improvements^ 
Lafayette, when he came to America, was comparatively 
poor and in debt. Tracing the progress and causes of his 
pecuniary condition, it was a glorious penury, which could 
not be more appropriately and gloriously relieved than by 
the just munificence of the American people^ 

27 



Si4 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. 

The act and resolutions of Congress, were presented to 
Lafayette by a joint committee, accompanied by an appro» 
priate address. In his reply, Lafayette said : — " The im- 
mense and unexpected gift, which, in addition to former 
and considerable bounties, it has pleased Congress to confer 
upon me, calls for the warmest acknowledgments of an old 
American soldier, an adopted son of the United States, two 
titles dearer to my heart than all the treasures of the world. 
However proud I am of every sort of obligation received 
from the people of the United States, and their representa- 
tives in Congress, the large extent of this benefaction might 
have created in my mind feelings of hesitation, not incon- 
sistent, I hope, with those of the most grateful reverence. 
But the so very kind resolutions of both houses, delivered 
by you, gentlemen, in terms of equal kindness, preclude all 
other sentiments except those of the lively and profound 
gratitude of which, in respectfully accepting the munificent 
favour, T have the honour to beg you will be the organs." 

Lafayette, having received numerous and pressing invita- 
tions from legislative bodies, cities, villages and individu- 
als, left Washington the 23d of Feb., on a tour through the 
southern and western states. He passed, nearly by the route 
he had travelled in 1777, through Virginia, North Carolina 
and South Carolina, to Charleston — greeted and welcomed 
every where, with all the warmth of southern patriotism 
and hospitality. The inhabitants of Lafayetteville, North 
Carolina, received Lafayette with the greatest enthusiasm, 
as the patron saint or father of their beautiful village. Af- 
ter conducting him to the residence of Duncan M'Rae, Esq. 
where splendid quarters had been prepared for him, the 
chairman of the committee exclaimed : — " You are here in 
your own town, your own house, surrounded by your chil- 
dren. Dispose of all— every thing is yours." The founders 
of this town, situated on the western bank of the River 
Cape Fear, were the first to adopt the name of Lafayette, 
in gratitude for his services to their country, although there 
are now more than fifty bearing his name, or portions of it, 
and numbers named Lagrange, in the United States. A 
drawing of it was taken by M. Say, son of the celebrated 
political economist, who passed through it in 1814, and 
presented to Lafayette. From his recollection of this draw- 
ing, he recognized the town on his approach to it ia 1825, 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE, 317 

The town of Camden, South Carolina, is consecrated in 
our revolutionary annals, as the field of the unfortunate bat- 
tle in which the brave De Kalb, then second in command 
to Gen. Gates, sacrificed his life in the cause of liberty. 
He fell, after performing prodigies of valour at the head of 
the Delaware and Maryland troops, covered by eleven 
wounds. The occasion of Lafayette's arrival was embra- 
ced by the citizens of South Carolina to lay the corner 
stone of a monument about to be erected at Camden, to the 
memory of De Kalb. To none could the solemn office of 
founding this just memorial to disinterested valour, have 
been more appropriately assigned than to Lafayette. — 
Through the influence of their kindred principles, De Kalb 
and Lafayette became acquainted in France. Actuated by 
the same holy ardour, they offered their services at the same 
time to the American Commissioners in Paris. They 
crossed the Atlantick in the same vessel^ entered together 
the American army, and contended gallantly for the 
cause of freedom — the one until death, the other until vic- 
tory. The attendant concourse was large, and the cer- 
emonies appropriate and imposing. Over the remains of 
De Kalb, which were deposited in the monument with mili- 
tary honours, the stone was laid by Lafayette, and bore the 
following inscription : — This stone was placed over the re- 
mains of Baron De Kalb by General Lafayette, 1825. Af- 
ter this ceremony, Lafayette, deeply affected, addressed 
those present, and paid to his old companion in arms the 
tribute due to his private virtues, his military talents, and 
the distinguished bravery with which he had sacrificed his 
life in the cause of liberty. 

In the city of Charleston, Lafayette had experienced, on 
his first landing in America, the earliest and warmest greet- 
ings. Its citizens were anxious to manifest that they still 
cherished their respect for him, and that their patriotism 
and hospitality were undiminished. The reception of La- 
fayette in that city, was therefore in every respect as splen- 
did and cordial as it had been in any of the northern cities. 
Among the military escort assigned to him, was an entire 
volunteer company of French citizens, whose uniform was 
precisely similar to that worn by the national guards of 
Paris, when commanded by Lafayette, during the French 
revolution.. But the circumstance most gratifying to La- 

27* 



318 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

fayette, was the presence of his gallant friend Huger, the 
son of the person at whose house he was received on first 
landing in America, and the same who was associated with 
Doct. Bollman, in the generous and hazardous attempt to 
effect the escape of Lafayette from the fortress of Olmutz. 
Col. Huger was placed in the same triumphal car with La- 
fayette, and shared in the honours and hospitalities so pro- 
fusely bestowed upon him during his stay in Charleston ; 
and on his leaving the city, the authorities presented to 
Lafayette, a portrait of Col. Huger, in an elegant frame of 
solid gold. 

After a stay of three days, Lafayette left Charleston on 
the 17th of March, by water, for Savannah, in Georgia. 
While in that city, he officiated in laying the foundation 
stones of two monuments, which the citizens of Savannah 
were about to rear, to two of his distinguished revolutionary 
associates. One of these was in honour of General Greene,, 
the brave Commander of the Southern Department, and the 
other of Count Pulaski, the gallant Polish patriot, who after 
contending in vain for the liberties of his native land, vol- 
untarily joined the American standard, and nobly fell, rush- 
ing at full speed upon the foe, at the head of his cavalry, in 
the unfortunate attack of the French and American forces 
upon Savannah, Oct. 9th, 1779. Passing rapidly through 
the State of Georgia, Lafayette received the brief and cor- 
dial hospitalities of its citizens. His route thence was 
through the Indian country, the residence of the Cherokee 
and Creek tribes, who have since been driven by the onward 
march of — shall we say — civilization? to a broader forest 
home beyond the Mississippi. The journey of Lafayette 
among these primitive sons of America, was deeply interest- 
ing to him and his companions. During a portion of their 
route, the country was then in a transition state, between 
savage and civilized life; and the white residents appeared, 
many of them, to be greater savages than the Indians whom 
they were supplanting. The name of Lafayette had been 
cherished in tradition among the Indian tribes. They ad- 
dressed him as their white father, the agent of the Great 
Spirit, the great warriour from France, who came in former 
days to free them from the tyranny of the English. They 
received him with wild and primitive demonstrations of joy 
and welcome, and performed before him their war dances? 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 319 

sham fights and favourite savage games. The most distin- 
guished among them in these athletick exercises, was young 
Chilli Mcintosh, son of the celebrated chief of that name, 
who had received an education at one of the eastern col- 
leges, and had returned to the dress and habits of savage 
life. Resuming the European dress, he accompanied La- 
fayette to the borders of Alabama. He appeared melan- 
choly, and deeply sensible of the degradation and rapid 
diminution of his race. After taking an impressive leave 
of Lafayette and his son, he met, in retiring, M. Levasseur; 
he stopped, placed the right arm of Levasseur on his, and 
elevating his left hand towards heaven, exclaimed " Fare- 
well ! always accompany our father, and watch over him. 
I will pray to the Great Spirit also to watch over him, and 
give him a speedy and safe return to his children in France. 
His children are our brothers ; he is our father. I hope 
that he will not forget us." 

On the borders of the Indian country, Lafayette was met 
by an escort from Alabama, and at Montgomery, one day's 
journey within the state, by the governour and his staif, and 
a numerous concourse of citizens. Here he embarked on 
board a steam-boat, and descended the Alabama river* 
Stopping at Cahawba, Claiborne, and other towns, to re- 
ceive those publick demonstrations which were in waiting 
for him, he reached Mobile on the 7th of April. Remaining 
but one day to gratify the hospitable inhabitants of that 
city, who had made great preparations to entertain him, he 
embarked on board the steam-boat Natchez, which had 
been sent by the municipal authorities of New Orleans^ to 
convey the Nation's Guest to that city. 

Lafayette was received in New Orleans, with a splendour 
and enthusiasm corresponding with the wealth, hospitality, 
and patriotism of the inhabitants. The French residents 
and descendants of its ancient French population, greeted 
him with characteristick fervour, and he had the satisfac- 
tion of meeting there with several of his old companions in 
arms, both of the American and French revolutions. The 
resources of entertainment were not exhausted, when La- 
fayette, amidst military parade, a large concourse of citizens^ 
and cries of Vive Lafayette! re-embarked on board the 
steam-boat Natchez, accompanied by a delegation from 
Louisiana^- to ascend the Mississippi. Touching for a short 



320 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

time at Baton-Rouge, the next landing place was at tHa 
city of Natchez ; where due preparations had been made to 
receive him. After the first publick ceremonials, a man 
emerged from the crowd, and approaching Lafayette, waving 
his hat above his head, cried oat, " Honour to the com- 
mander of the Parisian national guard. I was under your 
orders in '91, my general, in one of the battalions of the 
Filles-Saint-Thoraas. I still love liberty as I loved it then. 
Long live Lafayette !" The general offered him his hand, 
and was deeply impressed by the unexpected incident of 
meeting one of his old soldiers of liberty, so far in the in- 
teriour of America. But similar incidents, occurring every 
where on his journey, and the mixed population of the fer- 
tile and rapidly improving western states and territories, 
served to illustrate the great truth, that America is indeed 
the "home of the free and the asylum of the oppressed." 

Ascending to St, Louis, to fulfil his engagement with the 
people of that city, Lafayette thence returned down the Mis- 
sissippi, to the mouth of the Ohio ; thence up that river to 
the Cumberland, and thence up the Cumberland to Nash- 
ville in Tennessee. A delegation from that state had met 
him on his way up the Mississippi, and procured from him 
the promise of a visit. 

On landing at Nashville, Lafayette was received in behalf 
of the citizens of Tennessee, by General Andrew Jackson-, 
the brave defender of New Orleans. They passed in a car- 
riage to the city, under a triumphal arch, on which these 
words were inscribed, and repeated by an immense con- 
course of people : " Welcome Lafayette , the friend of the 
United States /" And a brilliant series of hospitalities and 
publick entertainment, proved the sincerity of this welcome, 
on the part of the patriotick State of Tennessee. Forty 
revolutionary soldiers, who had come fromvarious parts of 
the state, were among the first* to greet Lafayette on his 
arrival. One among them, of great age, rushed to the arms 
of Lafayette, and exclaimed, " I have enjoyed two happy 
days in my life, that when I landed with you at Charleston 
in 1777, and the present. Now that I have seen you once 
again, I have nothing more to wish for — I have lived long 
enough.'* This aged man, who had travelled more than one 
hundred miles to meet Lafayette, was a native of Germany, 
by the name of Hagy,. who had come over to America ia 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 321 

the same vessel with Lafayette, and had been under his or- 
ders during the whole war of the revolution. While on a 
visit to the residence of Gen. Jackson, a pair of pistols 
which had been presented to the general, were shown to La- 
fayette. He recognized them as the same which he had 
presented in 1778 to his friend Gen. Washington, and ex- 
pressed his satisfaction in finding them in the hands of one 
so worthy to possess them. Lafayette returned down the 
Cumberland, and again ascended the Ohio river. 

After receiving the warm hospitality of the brave sons of 
Kentucky, at Louisville, Frankfort, Lexington, &c., and 
paying his respects to Mrs. Clay at Ashland, Mr, Clay be- 
ing then absent at Washington, Lafayette proceeded to Cin- 
cinnati, Ohio. He was here received and addressed in 
behalf of the State of Ohio, by General Harrison, lately, and 
for so brief a period. President of the United States. To 
the cordial and patriotick address of Gen. Harrison, La- 
fayette returned a feeling reply. With his reception in 
that beautiful city, young and fresh from the hands of en- 
terprise, and a happy illustration of the benefits and improve^ 
ments flowing from the influence of our free institutions, 
Lafayette was peculiarly gratified. Here, as elsewhere, the 
ball succeeded the banquet ; and from this scene of hilarity, 
at midnight on the 22d of May, Lafayette embarked for 
Wheeling, in Virginia. 

From Wheeling, he passed into the State of Pennsylvania, 
through Brownville, Union Town, &:c. Visited the field 
of Braddock's defeat, where the military talents and heroism 
of Washington were first elicited ; received the brief and 
appropriate honours of the citizens of Pittsburgh, Franklin, 
Meadville, Waterford, and Erie, and entered upon the ter- 
ritory of the State of New York in the county of Chatauque. 
Anxious to get forward, having engaged to be in Boston on 
the 17th of June, to aid in the celebration of the fiftieth 
anniversary of the battle,^ and laying the corner-stone of 
the monument, of Bunker Hill, Lafayette passed rapidly 
through the State of New York. The rapidity of his pas- 
sage, however, through the flourishing cities and villages of 
western New York, did not prevent their enterprising in- 
habitants from manifesting, with equal alacrity, their grate- 
ful feelings and hospitable intentions. Deeply impressed 
with these manifestations, and remarking, with astonish- 



322 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

ment, the evidences of rapid improvement, wealth, and re- 
finement, which every where met his eye, Lafayette pressed 
forward upon his journey, and reached Boston on the 15th 
of June — the very day upon which he had fixed for his 
arrival ! Universal astonishment was expressed, at the 
journey he had performed. It appeared almost like magick. 
He had travelled, in less than four months, " a distance of 
upwards of five thousand miles, traversed seas near the 
equator, and lakes near the polar circle ; ascended rapid 
rivers to the verge of civilization in the new world, and 
received the homage of sixteen republicks. And this aston- 
ishment was increased by the fact, that this extraordinary 
journey was performed by a man sixty. seven years of age !" 

Lafayette was thus enabled to redeem what he considered 
a sacred promise, and to perform a sacred duty. On the 
17th, the fiftieth anniversary of the battle of Bunker Hill 
was celebrated by an immense assemblage, nearly 50,000 
in number. The solemn and distinguished office had been 
assigned to Lafayette of placing the corner stone of the 
Bunker Hill Monument — a proud national memorial, which 
has lingered in its progress, but is now in a fair way of 
speedy completion. That act was performed with imposing 
ceremonies, in masonick order. It was indeed a most in- 
teresting sight, to behold the veteran Lafayette, the last sur- 
viving general of the revolution, surrounded by many of his 
venerable companions in arms, founding the long delayed 
and well deserved monument of those brave men who were 
the first sacrifices in that arduous and successful contest for 
liberty. Mr. Webster, in an eloquent address, did justice 
to the occasion ; and paid a feeling tribute to Lafayette 
and the revolutionary veterans who were present. 

In compliance with numerous solicitations from those 
states, Lafayette made a rapid journey through Maine, 
New Hampshire, and Vermont. He en^tered the State of 
New York at Whitehall, and passed by the way of Saratoga, 
Troy, Albany, &;c., to the city of New York, where he 
joined in the celebration of the 4th of July. After renewed 
publick honours, he took leave of that city ; revisited Phila- 
delphia ; and from thence made a brief pilgrimage to the 
fields of battle at Germantown, Barren Hill, and Brandy- 
wine, to the last of which he was escorted by a great num- 
ber of the revolutionary soldiers of Pennsylvania and Yir* 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 823 

^inia, who had assembled for the purpose. After visiting 
Chester, Lancaster, and other towns in Pennsylvania, he 
returned by the way of Baltimore to the city of Washing- 
ton. He became the guest of President Adams, and enjoyed 
several days of comparative repose, after his arduous and 
exciting journey. 

The new frigate Brandy wine had been tendered by Presi- 
dent Adams, and accepted, to convey Lafayette to France ; 
and, while preparations were making for the voyage, he 
twice, in company with the president, made short excursions 
into the State of Virginia. The principal object of La- 
fayette in these visits, was to take leave of the Ex-presidents 
Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe. They met him, for the 
last time, at Monticello, the residence of Mr. Jefferson. 
This parting interview between four aged veterans, all of 
whom were distinguished in the imperishable annals of their 
country, and upon three of whom had rested the supreme 
power of a nation, was solemn and sublime. They bid 
farewell, with a consciousness that they should meet no 
more on earth, and with the consolation, that their long 
career and their joint labours had been honourable to them- 
selves and of enduring benefit to their fellow beings. 

While in Virginia, Lafayette attended publick festivals 
given, or rather repeated, in honour of him, in Albermarle, 
Culpepper, and several other places. After his return to 
Washington, President Adams gave a grand dinner to com- 
memorate the birthday of Lafayette, which closed the bril- 
liant series of festive entertainment, and the last day of 
Lafayette in America. 

We have endeavoured to sketch in the foregoing pages 
of this chapter, for the reader's comprehension, the outlines 
of Lafayette's astonishing tour through the American States, 
and to illustrate the true spirit and character of his recep- 
tion throughout its progress. To have described all the 
interesting incidents of his tour, the places he visited, and 
the various modes which the people adopted to testify their 
joy and gratitude, would have filled a space greater than is 
designed for this volume. His whole course was one con- 
tinued scene of triumph — not the triumph of conquest or of 
power — but of an individual unadorned by either, — vene- 
rated for his virtues, and triumphing in the affections and 
confidence, and in the grateful recollections, of a nation of 



324 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. 

freemen. Every where, in the whole progress of his jour« 
ney, his path was literally a path of roses. The civick 
wreath was united with the warriour's chaplet ; and the en- 
dearments of social life were mingled with the " pomp and 
circumstance" of military honours. There is no portion of 
Lafayette's life which afforded him more satisfaction, and 
none which will be regarded by an American with a prouder 
and deeper interest. 

On the 7th of September, Lafayette took his departure. 
In the principal vestibule of the President's house, surround- 
ed by the cabinet, by various publick officers, and a large 
concourse of citizens, President Adams took leave of him, 
in the name of the American people and government. After 
an eloquent summary of the services of Lafayette to America, 
and of his late journey and reception, throughout the states 
of the Union, the President concluded as follows : — 

" The ship is now prepared for your reception, and equipped for sea. 
-From the moment of her departure, the prayers of millions will ascend 
to heaven that her passage may be prosperous, and your return to the 
bosom of your family as propitious to your happiness, as your visit to 
this scene of your youthful glory has been to that of the American 
people. 

" Go, then, our beloved friend— return to the land of brilliant genius, 
of generous sentiment, of heroick valour ; to that beautiful France, 
the nursing mother of the twelfth Louis, and the fourth Henry ; to 
the native soil of Bayard and Coligni, of Turenne and Catinat, of 
Fenelon and B'Aguesseau. In that illustrious catalogue of names 
which she claims as of her children, and with honest pride holds up 
to the admiration of other nations, the name of Lafayette has already 
for centuries been enrolled. And it shall henceforth burnish into 
brighter fame ; for if, in after days, a Frenchmen shall be called to 
indicate the character of his nation by that of one individual, during 
the age in which we live, the blood of lofty patriotism shall mantle in 
his cheek, the fire of conscious virtue shall sparkle in his eye, and he 
shall pronounce the name of Lafayette. Yet we, too, and our chiU 
dren, in life and after death, shall claim you for our own. You are 
ours by that more than patriotick self-devotion with which you flew 
to the aid of our fathers at the crisis of their fate. Ours by that long 
series of years in which you have cherished us in your regard. Ours 
by that unshaken sentiment of gratitude for your services which is a 
precious portion of our inheritance. Ours by that tie of love, stronger 
than death, which has linked your name, for the endless ages of time, 
with the name of Washington. 

"At the painful moment of parting from you, we take comfort in 
the thought, that wherever you may be, to the last pulsation of your 
heart, our country will be ever present to your affections : and a 
cheering consolation assures us, that we are not called to sorrow most 
of all, that we shall see your face no more* We shall indulge tha 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 225 

pleasing anticipation of beholding our friend again. In the mean 
time, speaking in the name of the whole people of the United States, 
and at a loss only for language to give utterance to that feeling of 
attachment with which the hean of the nation beats, as the heart cf 
one man — I bid you a reluctant and affectionate farewell." 

Lafayette, v/ith deep emotion, replied as follows : — 

" Amidst all my obligations to the general government, and par^. 
ticularly toj^ou, sir, its respected chief magistrate, I have most thank- 
fully to acknowledge the opportunity given me, at this solemn ami 
painful moment, to present the people of the United States with a 
parting tribute of profound, inexpressible gratitude. 

"To have been, in the infant and critical days of these states, adopt- 
ed by them as a favourite son, to have participated in the toils and 
perils of our unspotted struggle for independence, freedom and equal 
rights, and in the foundation of the American era of a new social 
order, which has already prevaded this, and must, for the dignity antl 
happiness of mankind, successively pervade every part of the "^other 
hemisphere, to have received at every stage of the revolution, and 
during forty years after that period, from the people of the United 
States, and their representatives at home and abroad, continual marks 
of their confidence and kindness, has been the pride, the encourage- 
ment, the support of a long and eventful life. 

" But how could I find words to acknowledge that series of wel- 
comes, those unbounded and univevsal displays of publick affection, 
which have marked each step, each hour, of a twelve months' progress 
through the twen(y.four states, and which, while they overwhelm my 
heart with grateful delight, have most satisfactorily evinced the con- 
currence of the people in the kind testimonies, in the immense favours 
bestowed on me by the several branches of their representatives^ m 
every part and at the central seat of the confederacy ? 

" Yet gratifications still higher await me ; in the wonders of crea^ 
tion and improvement that have met my enchanted eye, in the un- 
paralleled and self-felt happiness of the people, in their rapid prosperi- 
ty and ensured security, publick and private, hi a practice of good 
order, the appendage of true freedom, and a national good sense, the 
final arbiter of all difficulties, I have had proudly to recognize a result 
of the republican principles for which we have fought, and a glorionis 
demonstration to the most timid and prejudiced minds, of the superiori- 
ty, over degrading aristocracy or despotism, of popular institutions 
founded on the plain rights of man, and where the local rights of 
every section are preserved under a constitutional bond of union. 
The cherishing of that union between the states, as it has been the 
farewell entreaty of our great paternal Washington, and will ever 
have the dying prayer of every American patriot, so it has become the 
sacred pledge of the emancipation of the world, an object in which 
I am happy to observe that the American people, while they give the 
animating example of succesful free institutions, in return for an evil 
entailed upon them by Europe, and of which a liberal and enlightened 
sense is every where more and more generally felt, show themselves 
every day more anxiously interested. 

*' And new, sir, how can I do justice to my deep and lively feelings 

28 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE, 

for the assurances, most peculiarly valued, of your esteem and frienfl" 
ship, for your so very kind references to old times, to my beloved asso« 
ciates, to the vicissitudes of my life, for your affecting picture of the 
blessings poured by the several generations of the American people 
on the remaining days of a delighted veteran, for your affectionate 
remarks on this sad hour of separation, on the country of my birth, 
full, I can say, of American sympathies, on the hope so necessary to 
me of my seeing again the country that has deigned, near a half 
century ago, to call me hers ? I shall content myself, refraining from 
superfluous repetitions, at once, before you, sir, and this respected 
circle, to proclaim my cordial confirmation of every one of the senti- 
ments which I have had daily opportunities publickly to utter, from 
the time when your venerable predecessor, my old brother in arms 
and friend, transmitted to me the honourable invitation of congress, 
to this day, when you, my dear sir, whose friendly connexions with 
me dates from your earliest youth, are going to consign me to the 
protection, across the Atlantick, of the heroick national flag, on board 
the splendid ship, the name of which has been not the least flattering 
and kind among the numberless favours conferred upon me. 

" God bless you, sir, and all who surround us. God bless the 
American people, each of their states, and the federal government. 
Accept this patriolick farewell of an overflowing heart ; such will be 
its last throb when it ceases to beat." 

Amidst piiblick demonstration of deep respect, and deeper 
regret, Lafayette entered the steam. boat Mount Vernon, 
accompanied by several officers of the government, descend- 
ed to the mouth of the Potomack, and embarked on board of 
the frigate Brandywine. On the 8th of September, the 
Brandywine got under vi^ay, and Lafayette bid a final adieu 
to the shores of America, 



CHAPTER XXX. 

i^afayette arrives at Havre— Parting with the officers of the Brandy- 
wine — His reception at Lagrange— Carter's description of Lagrange, 
of the family, and domestick life of Lafayette— Benevolent acts of 
Lafayette — He mingles again in publick affairs— In the Chamber 
of Deputies— His visit to Chevaniac— Popular manifestations — The 
precursors of a new revolution— Revolution of July, 1830— Lafay- 
ette's prominent share in it— Is appointed commander-in-chief of the 
military— Repairs, in popular triumph, to the Hotel de Ville— His 
proclamation to the people and the army. 

After a passage of twenty four days, Lafayette once 
more beheld the shores of his native France. A part of his 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 327 

family, and many of his intimate friends, were in waiting 
at Havre to welcome his return. To the officers of the 
Brandyvvine, Lafayette had become doubly endeared by his 
deportment during the voyage. They surrounded him, when 
about to leave the vessel, with every demonstration of re- 
spect, and grief at parting. The first Lieutenant, Gregory, 
who had been commissioned by them to express their senti- 
ments on the occasion, was unable from his emotions to give 
utterance to his words ; but, with a sudden and fortunate 
impulse, he seized the American flag which floated at the 
stern of the vessel, rapidly detached it, and presented it to 
Lafayette, exclaiming, " We cannot confide it to more glori- 
ous keeping ! Take it, dear general, may it ever recall to 
you your alliance with the American nation ; may it also 
sometimes recall to your recollection those who will never 
forget the happiness they enjoyed of passing twenty- four 
days with jou on board the Brandy wine ; and in being 
displa5'ed twice a year on the tower of your hospitable dwell- 
ing, may it recall to your neighboitrs the anniversary oftwo' 
great epochs, whose influence on the whole world is incal- 
culable — the birth of Washington, and the declaration of the 
independence of our country." 

The general replied. " I accept it with gratitude, and I 
hope that, displayed from the most prominent part of my house 
at Lagrange, it will always testify to all who may see it the 
kindness of the American nation towards its adopted and 
devoted son. And I also hope, that when you or your fel- 
low countrymen visit me, it will tell you, that at Lagrango 
you are not on a foreign soil." 

For Lagrange Lafayette departed the next day after land- 
ing at Havre. On the way he stopped at Rouen, at the 
house of an old friend and colleague. A crowd of people* 
accompanied by a band of musick, assembled to manifest 
their respect for him. Latayette from the balcony had 
commenced returning them his acknowledgments, when a- 
detachment of royal guards and gens-d'armes charged upon 
the unarmed citizens, to disperse them, and several were 
severely wounded. The, gens-d'armes, with drawn sabres, 
accompanied the carriage of Lafayette to the hotel where 
he was to spend the night. But here, a party of young men 
of the place surrounded the door, kept back the minions of 
authority, and secured to the citizens an opportunity o£ 



828 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

paying their respects to their distinguished champion. The 
next morning a numerous escort of these young men accom- 
panied Lafayette along the first stage of his journey. These 
incidents showed^ that he still retained the love of the peo- 
pie and the hatred of despotism and its instruments. 

The next day, October 9th, Lafayette arrived at La- 
grange, where the inhabitants of that and the neighbour- 
ing districts had been for three days preparing to welcome 
his return. 

" At a certain distance from the chateau (says Levasseur) the carriage 
made a halt, the general alighted, and found himself suddenly in the 
midst of a population whose eager transports might have deceived the 
eye of a stranger, and induced him to suppose that the whole were La- 
fayette's children. Till evening the chateau was filled by the crowd, 
which with the greatest difficulty separated from Lafayette. The in- 
habitants retired only after having conducted him by the light of illumi- 
nations and the sound of musick, under a triumphal arch, bearing an 
inscription in which they had awarded to him the title of ' The people's 
friend.' There he was again greeted with the expression of the hap- 
piness and joy caused by the return to his good neighbours. During 
the whole of the next day, the general was occupied in receiving the 
young girls, who brought flowers and sang couplets to him ; also the 
company of the National Guard of Court-Palais, and a deputation 
from the town of Rosay. The inhabitants of the commune, while 
offering a box of flowers to their friend, addressed him in a simple 
and affecting speech, through M. Fricotelle, the head of the deputa- 
tion ; and no sooner had the harangue been pronounced, than the 
whole rushed into the general's arms, and afterward into those of his 
son, M. George Lafayette. A few days thereafter, the inhabitants of 
Rosay and the environs, offered a brilliant fete to Lafayette, the ex. 
pense of which was defrayed by a general subscription. The prepara- 
tives, which occupied several days' labour, were the work of a portion 
of the citizens who refused the assistance of a single hired labourer. 
At five o'clock in the evening, the apartments and the courts of the 
chateau of Lagrange were filled by upwards of four thousand persons, 
many of whom had travelled several leagues to do homage to the man 
whose name dwelt on ever ytongue, as ' The people's friend.^ At 
seven o'clock, a troop of young girls, marching at the head of the 
population of Rosay, and singing some simple and affecting couplets 
in. chorus, presented a basket of flowers to the general ; and M. Vigne, 
in the name of the canton, delivered a speech expressive of the most 
jaoble sentiments. Lafayette, after thanking the inhabitants of the 
canton for their kind reception of him, terminated by saying : — ' I am 
now restored to this retreat of Lagrange, which is dear to me for so 
man)'- reasons, and to those agricultural occupations to which you 
know that I am so much attached, and in which I have for many 
years participated with you, my dear neighbours, and with most of 
the friends by whom 1 am now surrounded. Your affection, which I 
most cordially return, renders them doubly precious to me. I entreat 



MFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

you all to accept my thanks for the handsome and affecting fete which 
you have prepared for me, and which fills my heart with joy, tender* 
ness, and gratitude.' After this answer, which was received with the 
utmost enthusiasm, the general v/as conducted in triumph on the 
meadow, where an elegant tent had been arranged for himself and his 
family. Illuminations tastefully disposed, fireworks, animated dances, 
a number of shops of every description, a population of more ihan six 
thousand individuals — in a word, every thing contributed to remind 
Lafayette of some of the scenes of his triumphs in America. Dan- 
cing was kept up all night : the cries of ' Long live the people's 
friend?'' re-echoed till daybreak, and the next morning Lafayette 
retired within the bosom of his family, and enjoyed the happiness and 
the tranquillity which the recollections of a well-spent life can alone 
confer." 

The beautiful retreat to which Lafayette was thus wel- 
comed- — vvhere he had passed most of his time in rural pur- 
suits for twenty years, and where he hoped to spend the re- 
mainder of his life, has been described by many writers who 
were so fortunate as to have enjoyed its hospitalities. None 
of- their descriptions, however, are more interestins^, and 
none more correct, than that of our amiable countryman, 
Nathaniel H. Carter. Soon after the return of Lafayette 
to France, Professor Carter paid a visit to Lagrange. He 
was then travelling in Europe, principally for the restora- 
tion of his health ; but that object was pursued in vaim 
The admirers of liis genius, the friends who knew and esti- 
mated his virtues, had soon to deplore his premature death. 
But the fruits of his observations during, his European tour, 
and the evidences of his literary attainments and the purity 
of his sentiments and style of writing, are comprised in two 
large volumes, published soon after his return, entitled " Let- 
ters from Europe," &c From one of these volumes the 
following account of his visit to Lagrange, and of the 
family and domestick life of Lafayette, is taken : 

" On the morning of the 27th of December, 1825, we took the dili- 
gence for the village of Rose, within about two miles of which La- 
grange is situated, forty miles in an easterly direction from Paris. 

"Midway in the journey, the diligence stopped at a small inn to 
take breakfast or dinner, call it which you will, as the bill of fare ia 
generally much the same, not even excepting soup. On the plate 
from which I took my mutton chop, was a representation of General 
Lafayette on horseback, in the attitude of storming a fortress, with 
itkQ following inscription : 

• II a'elance le premier dans la RedoutteJ " 
He throws himself first in the redoubt, 

28* 



330 LIFE OF LAFAYETTEc 

" We reached the village of Rose at 5 o'clock in the evening ; and 
tihat no unnecessary claims might be made to the hospitality of Gen,. 
Lafayette, or his family subjected to any inconvenience, we dined at 
the hotel, before taking a carriage and setting out for Lagrange. On 
arriving at the chateau, the general gave us a warm reception, and 
presented us to his numerous and interesting family, consisting of a 
son, two daughters, and twelve grandchildren,, with a beautiful and 
accomplished daughter of Count Segur, together with two or three 
other inmates, making in all a circle of something more than twenty. 
Simplicity, politeness, and affability of manners, genuine kindness of 
heart, and unaffected hospitality characterize the whole group, from 
the patriarch himself down to the youngest of his descendants. They 
need only the American name, a claim to nativity in the land of 
Washington and Franklin, to call forth all the warmth and generos- 
ity of their feelings, making the stranger at once at home, and treat- 
ing him with the cordiality of a friend or brother. The only uneasi- 
ness which the visitant experiences, arises from a fear, that the pro- 
verbial politeness of the French, accompanied with all the enthusiasm 
of feeling, will subject the family to inconveniences on his account, 
and lead them to do too much for his happiness. 

"The evening glided away delightfully and almost imperceptibly,, 
in the midst of conversation on a variety of topicks, chiefly relating 
to our country ; for the inmates of the chateau talk and seem to think 
of nothing else than the United States, where their feelings, their 
hopes, and wishes, all centre. The general con.siders himself emphat- 
ically a citizen of the American Republick, and familiarly speaks of 
it precisely in the same way, as if he had been there born and educa- 
ted. 

" Before retiring to our chambers to dream only of Lagrange, we 
examined some of the principal rooms of the chateau, our hospitable 
friends kindly acting as expositors. The furniture is perfectly neat, 
and even elegant, but bears no marks of extravagance or luxury ; 
nothing which is incompatible with a refined taste, and a republican 
simplicity of manners ; nothing which does not conduce more t& 
convenience and comfort than to show ; and which could be com- 
pared, in point of richness and splendour, as the general himself re- 
marked, with what he had gratuitously been made master of in his 
tour through the United States. The ornaments are nearly all Amer- 
ican. In the hall at the head of the stair-way, and forming the en- 
trance to the drawing room, is a portrait of General Washington, 
with the colours of the frigate Brandywine, (presented by Commodore 
Morris on his arrival at Havre,) hung in graceful festoons around the 
almost idolized picture. On the right of the Father of his country, is 
a fine portrait ©f Franklin, copied by one of the accomplished grand- 
daughters of General Lafayette. In a conspicuous part of the hall 
stands an admirable bust of President Adams, presented by Mrs. Ad- 
ams, just before the general left Washington. To these are added a 
portrait of Commodore Morris, (taken by particular request,) and 
several pictures connected with the history of our revolution. The 
rotunda, or drawing room contains, besides other decorations, a paint- 
ing of the siege of Yorktown, and a portrait of General Wad&worth, 
the revolutionary fnend of Lafayette. 










»S5UI 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 331 

'* At 10 o'clock, which is uniformly the hour for retiring at La- 
grange, we took leave of the circle for the night, and were shown into 
our bedchambers, after having been notified that the ringing of the 
chateau bell would summon us to breakfast at 10 the next morning. 
Our apartments were in the same style of neatness and comfort as 
the sitting-rooms, with a cheerful wood fire blazing upon the hearth, 
and carpets covering the polished oaken floor. As is usual in French 
houses, furnished with fewer conveniences than this, each chamber 
had. a bureau, or scrutoire, containing an ample supply of pen, ink, 
and paper, together with other appendages for writing, all under lock 
and key. The temptations of such comforts, the whistling of the 
wind round the Gothick turrets and antique windows of the chateau, 
with the delights of a fireside reverie on the events of the day, indu- 
ced us to protract our waking dreams to a late hour. 

" In the morning a grey-headed servant, who is almost as old as 
the master whom he loves, and from whom he has imbibed his kind- 
ness of heart, opened the door gently, and performed his office of re- 
kindling the fire, with such studied quiet as would scarcely disturb ' 
the slumbers of a sick bed. We reached the drawing-room in season 
to see the members of the happy family appear, one after another, and 
share the paternal kiss. Breakfast was served up in a large hall on 
the ground floor, in the usual French style, with wine, and coffee after 
the dessert. The table was crowned with abundance, without super- 
fluity ; and a circle of smiling faces would have rendered a less sump- 
tuous repast agreeable. Among the rarer dishes, was a kind of pie ex- 
tremely rich and delicate, sent as a rarity to the general from some of 
his friends at Strasbourg. 

"After breakfast was over we walked out in company with Wash- 
ington Lafayette and the whole group of ladies, to examine the exte^ 
riour of the chateau, and the farm, of which hardly a glance had as 
yet been obtained. Lagrange was formerly a fortified baronial cas- 
tle ; and notwithstanding the modifications it has undergone, much of 
its antique and feudal character still remains. It was once surround, 
ed by a deep double moat, sections of which, filled with water, have 
been preserved, and the residue filled up, either for the sake of health 
or convenience. The edifice consists of a centre, perhaps a hundred 
feet in length, with two wings of about the same dimensions, and 
joining it at right angles. From traces still visible, a gallery evi- 
dently extended across at the other extremity of the wings, enclosing 
a quadrangular court-yard, strongly defended, with only one entrance 
under a lofty arch in the northern wall, guarded by a portcullis. 

"The chateau is three stories high, plainly constructed of a hard 
and dark coloured stone, rendered of a deeper hue by its venerable 
age and long exposure to the climate. Two Gothick towers of a 
conical shape rise from the ends of each of the wings, and form almost 
the only ornament. The approach is by a winding avenue on the 
northern side, leading through a thick grove of evergreens and other 
trees, and under the arch already mentioned, around which hang fes- 
toons of ivy, planted by the celebrated Charles James Fox, in one of 
his visits to Lagrange. The beautiful plant is as green as his mem- 
ory, and mantles nearly the whole fagade of the chateau. Its luxu- 
riant foliage, shading the gray walls, the thick copse bordering the 



334 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

moat, and the four antique turrets, half concealed by the intervening 
branches, present a view on this side, seldom equalled in air of rural, 
quiet, and unostentatious retirement. An artist from our country 
has taken several very exact sketches of Lagrange, [two of which are 
annexed.] 

"As the morning was bright and pleasant, though the ground, yet 
verdant, was covered with a heavy hoar frost, we made a circuit of a 
mile or two over the farm, which is one of the largest as well as the 
most complete in France. It contains five hundred acres, [800 acres, 
500 cultivated and 300 in woods and meadows,] lying in oi:!e body, in 
a circular form, with the chateau in the centre. Great pains have 
been taken to round it off in this way, by exchanges of contiguous 
territory. It is divided according to the most approved models, into 
suitable proportions of tillage, pasture and woodland, with the minor 
compartments of gardens and orchards. The general has planted 
three thousand apple trees, which are yet small, but thrifty, opening 
in vistas all over his plantation. He is much engageddn the cultiva- 
tion of fruit of the best kinds. 

" The soil of this large tract, though not perhaps remarkable for its 
natural fertility, has been highly improved by culture, and yields 
wheat, with other agricultural products, in abundance. It is finely 
wooded and watered. Half a mile from the house, in the direction 
of Rose, there is a large and living fountain, cradled in a green vale^ 
and sheltered from the sun in summer by a grove of venerable oaks. 
Its limpid waters at this season, repose on a bed of autumnal leaves^ 
and are as pure as they are copious. From this rural and secluded 
retreat, a distant view of the chateau on one side, and of two little 
villages, with a spire to each, and the smoke curling above them, on 
the other, makes a quiet and charming picture. Not far from the 
fountain, Washington Lafayette, (whose name perhaps I use some- 
what too familiarly for the sake of distinction,) is much engaged in. 
constructing an ice-house, upon the plan of some of those he saw in 
our country. In short, nearly all the improvements of Lagrange^ 
now in progress, are according to American models. 

" On our return from this delightful promenade, and after resting 
for a few minutes, we were merely consigned from the hands of one 
part of the family, to receive the assiduous attentions of another. 
The general himself accompanied us to the farm-yard, which in point 
of practical utility, is more interesting, especially to the eye of an 
American, than all the parks and pleasure-grounds we have seen in 
Europe. A range of buildings extends quite round an open area, 
containing perhaps an acre. The first of these is the granary, which 
was once a chapel, and the turret of which is yet left standing. Men 
were at work in winnowing wheat of an excellent quality. The 
second department is appropriated to all kinds of poultry, among 
which were wild geese from the banks of the Mississippi. A flock, 
of about a thousand merinos, prettily feeding at their long ranges of 
cribs, occupied another portion of the buildings. It was odd enough 
to see the little lambs bearing on their backs the same name which 
had graced our triumphal arches ; and to witness the hero himself en- 
gaged in the construction of stalls and folds on a new plan recom. 
mended in some of the agricultural journals of the United Stateso. 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. '337 

Among the twenty-two cows, are eight from Switzerland, sent to the 
general by his friends in that country ; and four of the Holkham 
breed, presented by Mr. Patterson, of Baltimore. The assortment of 
horses is as extensive as the other kind of domestick animals. In 
making the circuit, we next came to the farm-house, kitchen and 
dairy, the walls of which are ornamented with a map of the whole 
plantation, designating the ground appropriated to each department. 
Then follow the pens containing several rare species of animals, 
among which are wild turkeys and partridges from the United States, 
(intended if possible to be domesticated ;) ducks which came as a 
present from the Garden of Plants, at Paris ; and a pair of beautiful 
Mexican pheasants. For the latter, and for the American partridge, 
a new house is going up, to be artificially warmed by a stove. To 
these animals may be added a dog from Washington, and a racoon 
from our forests, who are inmates of the chateau instead of the farm- 
yard. The latter is so tame as to play about the parlour and climb 
up into the general's lap. 

" At 5 o'clock the bell called us to dinner, which was bountiful, 
and served up without any formal parade. Among the peculiar 
dishes were lentiles, much resembling boiled peas; and a rich kind of 
pastry, such as we had not found in the infinite assortment of a Paris 
table. A dessert of apples, pears, and dry fruits, with three or four 
varieties of wine, including champagne, crowned the festivities of 
the board. 

" On retiring to the drawing-room, a large folio volume, bound with 
red morocco, and richly gilt, was found lying upon the table. It was 
presented to the general just before he sailed from Washington ; and 
contains a transcript of all the addresses to him by the authorities of 
New York. The specimens of ornamental penmanship are certainly 
elegant, and have excited general admiration at the chateau. By its 
side was a voluminous portfolio, containing portraits and autographs 
of publick personages in France since the commencement of the 
revolution, both brought out for eur amusement. 

" After tea the ladies favoured us with a great variety of songs and 
musick upon the piano, which they play with much taste and skill. 
One of the number, finding that her voice and execution could con- 
tribute to the enjoyments of the social circle, and forgetting herself 
in endeavouring to add to the common stock of pleasure, continued 
to sit at the piano till she was solicited to leave it, instead of the or- 
dinary request to remain longer. This mark of politeness was so pecu- 
liar, that it appeared to me worthy of record and imitation. Among 
the musical pieces was one or two composed in the United States, 
during the general's visit. 

" At 9 o'clock in the evening we manifested an intention to return 
to Rose that night, and set out for Paris next morning, desirous that 
if the hospitality of the family was not already exhausted by a visit, 
which seemed too long for strangers who had no other claim than 
simply that of being Americans, a share of it might be reserved for 
others, upon the republican principle of equality. But at Lagrange, 
feelings of generosity and kindness towards even the humblest citi- 
zens of the United States know no bounds. Favour after favour de- 
scends spontaneously upon the visitant like the dew ; and in view of 

29 



338 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. 

the paternal affection manifested on this occasion, our country 
might address to its illustrious benefactor the forcible apostrophe, 
"inasmuch as thou hast done it unto the least of these my children, 
thou hast done it unto mi ." Pretexts as plausible as genuine hospi« 
tality requires, were urged with a politeness that could not be resisted, 
and the result was a happy prolongation of our visit. 

" After breakfast on the following morning, the general conducted 
us to his library, which is on the third floor, in one corner of the cha- 
teau. The windows, which in summer are shaded by a copse of trees, 
lifting their aged branches from below, look in two directions, and 
■command a view of a rural domain, such as Cincinnatus or Washing- 
ton would have enjoyed, and such as its own proprietor would not have 
exchanged for an empire. In the ante-chamber, and the apartment 
itself, are several likenesses of his friends, transatlantick as well as 
European ; and in several neat cases, on which the utmost care has 
been bestowed, are deposited all the little presents he has received 
from our countrymen, from the sacred memorials of his beloved Wash- 
ington, down to the humblest pledges of gratitude and esteem collected 
in his late tour. The whole makes an extensive museum, which is 
guarded with more vigilance, and is shown by the family wiih more 
delight, than would apparently be felt in exhibiting the costliest col- 
lection of diamonds. All the articles were taken out of their places 
for our inspection ; and the history of them detailed with a familiarity 
which proved how much they are valued. One of the most conspic- 
uous of these memorials is a beautiful model of the water-works at 
Philadelphia, which the general took to pieces, to point out the inge- 
nuity of its construction. 

"The library itself contains about two thousand volumes of well 
selected books. A large proportion of these were presented by his 
friends. One compartment is filled entirely with American works, 
containing a majority of our best publications. Additions are daily 
making to the collection, by the attentions of his correspondents. The 
Phi Beta Kappa Oration of Mr. Everett, and the Address of Mr, 
Webster before the Bunker Hill Association are cherished among the 
choicest treasures. It was a curious incident, that I sliould here re» 
cognize the copy of the Columbiad, which had been brought to me at 
!New York a year previous, for examination as a specimen of splendid 
binding, before it was presented to Lafayette. 

"Having passed an hour or two in the library, and glanced at its 
interesting contents, we took another long walk with the ladies over 
the farm, pursuing a different route from what had been taken on the 
preceding day, and treading many a bypath in a long circuit through 
the wood-lands. 

" In the midst of walks, conversations and enjoyments, the hour of 
dinner again came round. By this time, our places at table had been 
as perfectly learned, as if we had become permanent inmates of the 
chateau. Another evening of musick and social pleasure was added 
to the sum of our happiness. At 8 or 9 o'clock, an intention was 
again signified to go to Rose, in readiness for the diligence the next 
morning. But "it would be madness to go to the hotel that night, 
where the accommodations were not good ; besides, it was snowing, 
and the weather was unpleasant : a servant should be sent to engage 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE, 339 

places for us, and it would be easy to reach the village by 8 o'clock, 
the hour for the departure of the coach on. the following day." In 
vain were any suggestions opposed to these kind persuasions : and at 
10 o'clock, we retired for the third night to the chambers of the chateau. 
" The next morning at 7, we found both the general and his son in 
the drawing-room before us, with coffee upon the table, and his own 
coach at the door, in readiness to take us to Rose. In a few minutes 
more, a cordial grasp of the hand and the parting benediction of the 
patriarch, produced a state of feelings which, on our own part, admit- 
ted of few words ; and we left Lagrange with a full conviction, that 
if there is a paradise on earth, it must be found in the domestick, un- 
sophisticated and innocent delights of such a family ; and if unalloyed 
happiness be the portion of any mortal, it must consist in the luxury 
of such feelings, and in the practice of such virtues, as are possessed 
hj General Lafayette." 

Such was the life that Lafayette led at Lagrange ; and 
such was Lagrange, as his industry, enterprise, and gene- 
rous hospitalities, had made it. There the wanderers from 
America found a home, " without being permitted to feel 
that they were upon a foreign soil." His own country, 
men, too, found there a heart to sympathize with them in 
their wrongs and sufferings, and a hand to relieve their dis- 
tresses. Every Monday, there was baked at Lagrange, 
and distributed to the poor of the neighbourhood, two hun- 
dred pounds of bread ; and in times of scarcity, the weekly 
distribution was increased to six hundred pounds, to wkich 
was. added a mess of soup, and a.^ sol in money, for eaohiiii. 
dividual. The bread was of the same quality as that used 
at the general's own table. He visited himself those poor 
persons who were afflicted with sickness, and had them at. 
tended at his own expense, by his family physician. In 
the year 1817, when a severe famine prevailed, the destitute, 
not only of the vicinity of Lagrange, but of the neiahbour- 
ing communes, were fed at the chateau, to the number of 
seven hundred daily. They received soup, bread and mon- 
ey, until the granaries and purse of Lafayette were exhausted. 
A family council was held in the month of June, to consider 
the means of continuing this bounty. It was found, that 
at the liberal rate of distribution, six weeks would exhaust 
all the supplies at the chateau. " Well," exclaimed Lafay- 
ette, " there is a very simple mode of obviating this diffi- 
culty : by retiring to Chevaniac, we may leave to the poor 
what we should have consumed by remaining at Lagrange." 
The whole family at once acquiesced in this proposition, 



340 LIFE OF LAFAYETTJE. 

and it was put in execution ; leaving the whole resources 
of Lagrange to be distributed by the steward, for the relief 
of the wants of the suffering people. 

Lafayette was soon called from the shades of Lagrange, 
to mingle again in the turmoil of publick affairs. To him 
the French nation looked, to check the current of returning 
abuses in the government. At the age of seventy years, 
when men usually retire from the active duties af life, or 
are consigned to inactivity by the infirmities of age, or the 
publick indifference, Lafayette was vigorously alive to the 
interests of his country, and in the full meridian of his pop- 
ularitv. As a member of the Chamber of Deputies in 1828 
and 1829, Lafayette, in various propositions, and many el- 
oquent and able speeches, resisted the encroachments of 
power, and advocated those measure of popular reform which 
he had previously urged in vain. He again brought for- 
ward a proposition for reorganizing the national guards. 
He endeavoured to modify the criminal code, and urged the 
abolition of capital punishment, " which," he said, "the fal- 
lacy of human judgement renders so frightful, and which 
ought especially to excite horrour in the present generation, 
amidst whom party fury has inflicted such irreparable 
wounds." He resisted the project of double votes, based 
upon the amount of property possessed by the elector, and 
advocated the right of suffrage upon the basis of equality, 
irrespective of property qualification. In his speech upon 
this subject, July 6, 1829, he said : 

" We must, it has been said, support persons of large property, (that 
is to say, support the strongest,) because it is alleged they are most 
interested in good legislation. In the first place, gentlemen, I deny 
the principle. It is in fact, in an inverse ratio to its extent, that 
property is interested in good government. Indeed, the land owner 
with a revenue of one hundred thousand francs, reduced to fifty 
thousand, is less to be pitied than one of one thousand francs who 
might be reduced to five hundred, and still less than the small proprie- 
tor, whom bad measures of government might reduce to the condition 
of a serf. I say nothing of the property of our persons, though none 
of us, I presume, are so humble as not to value it a little above zero. 

" But why is there now any question of property, when it is re- 
quired that the deputies should pay 1000 francs and the electors 300 
francs of direct taxation, making their incomes above the average of 
landed property in France ? No, gentlemen, it is m favour of privi- 
lege that privilege has been created." 

Lafayette also warmly advocated a system of publick in- 



I.IFE OF LAFAYETTE. 341 

struction, and gave by his exertion in that glorious cause, 
an impulse which has been since successfully followed up 
by Cousin, Gizot, and other eminent French statesmen 
and philanthropists. In advocating an appropriation for 
that purpose, he said : 

" National education, gentlemen, and above all, elementary educa- 
tion, that great spring of publick intelligence, moral conduct, and 
popular tranquillity, is now the principal want of the French people, 
as it is the principal debt government owes to them. You know, gen. 
tlemen, how that debt is acquitted. Systems of publick mstruction 
have hitherto been patronised in an inverse ratio to their merit. 
Neither your pitiable fifty thousand francs, nor even five hundred 
thousand francs will suffice to fulfil that great social duty. For the 
support of a good and honest system of publick education, it appears 
to me that five millions would be the most praise-worthy item in the 
budget." 

At the close of the session of 1829, Lafayette paid a visit 
to Chevaniac, the place of his birth, which he had not visit, 
ed since the voluntary exile of himself and family to it, in 
1817, that the suffering poor of the neighbourhood might 
forage upon the resources of Lagrange. During the whole 
progress of his journey, going and returning, he was re- 
ceived with enthusiasm by the people. Jn the many towns 
and provinces through which he passed, his course was one 
of popular festival and triumph, similar to that which he 
had experienced in his last visit through the United States. 
His reception at Lyons,, was more particularly enthusiastick 
and imposing. The inhabitants flocked in immense crowds 
to meet him on his approach to the city. He was addressed 
in their behalf by a popular orator. In an open caleche, 
drawn by four superb horses, accompanied by a numerous 
procession, he entered the city. 

" An immense multitude (says Sarran) which cannot be computed 
at less than sixty thousand persons filled the quays, the streets and 
courts of the city. Scarcely could the procession force its way through 
the close ranks of the populace, while the air resounded on all sides 
with cries of Vive Lafayette .' cries that were re-echoed from all the 
windows. The ladies also took part in the publick jov : great num- 
bers elegantly dressed occupied carriages in the procession, or waved 
their handkerchiefs from the casements as the general passed. Simi. 
lar acclamations and manifestations of joy accompanied him to the 
Hotel du Nord, where he alighted. There he showed himself in the 
balcony, to gratify the eagerness of the crowd, who immediately and 
quietly dispersed to allow the noble veteran the repose he so much 
needed." 

29* 



342 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

For three days these festivities continued. On the third 
day there was a publick dinner, at which M. Condere, a 
colleague of Lafayette in the Chamber of Deputies, gave as 
a toast: — -"Other warriours have gained battles; others 
have made eloquent orations ; but none have equalled him 
in the civick virtues." In reply, Lafayette adverted to the 
signs of the times ; clearly anticipated the important events 
which were soon to follow, and pledged himself that the 
Chamber would, in the hour of danger, prove true to patri- 
otism and to honour. 

Declining numerous invitations, and avoiding similar 
scenes of popular triumph which had been preparing for 
bim, much to the annoyance of the Court, Lafayette pro- 
ceeded by the nearest route to Lagrange. The patriotick 
impulse which had been excited throughout his journey, 
however, was the precursor of the revolution of the three 
days of July. Charles Xhad become emboldened in power. 
The examples of his predecessors, and their fate, were lost 
upon him. He and his court were resolved to accomplish 
effectually the restoration of the ancient despotism. Scarce- 
ly had Lafayette arrived at Lagrange, when the unwelcome 
intelligence reached him of the overthrow of the popular 
Martignac ministry, which the liberal principles and firm 
character of the deputies of 1828 and 1829' had induced 
the king to establish. It was succeeded by what is known 
as the Polignac ministry, from its very organization repug- 
nant to the people of France. The popular feelings were 
clearly indicated, through the medium of the press and other 
channels, and by the character of the deputies, soon after 
elected. In the speech of the king on the opening of the 
Chambers, these expressions of the popular will were de- 
nounced as the indications of revolt and sedition ; and he ad- 
ded this bold declaration and threat : — ^'* If culpable manoeu- 
vres (said he) should excite against my government obsta- 
cles opposed to my will, but which I cannot foresee, I shall 
find in my resolution the power to surmount them." 

The Chamber replied with truth and boldness. "The 
intervention of the nation," said they, " renders a perma,. 
nent concurrence of the political views of your government 
with the wishes of the people, an indispensable condition of 
the orderly progression of publick affairs. Sire, our loyalty, 
our devotion, oblige us to declare to you, that such concur- 



LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. 343 

rence does not exist. Your majesty's supreme wisdom must 
decide between those who misconstrue so ealm^ so faithful a 
nation, and us, who with profound conviction approach your 
majesty, to lay before you the grievances of a whole people." 

This address was signed by Lafayette, and in all by two 
hundred and twenty-one deputies, a considerable majority of 
those present. It was immediately followed by a dissolu- 
tion of the Chambers, and a series of measures on the part 
of the king and his cabinet, designed by fraud and force to 
control the elections; oppressive in their nature, and vvellcal- 
culated to add to the exasperation of the people. Nearly the 
whole of the one hundred and twenty-one contumacious 
deputies, however, were re-elected, and a great majority of 
the electoral colleges returned liberal delegates. 

Exasperated by this result, the king put forth, on the 26th 
of July, 1830, a series of despotick ordinances. The first of 
these, in violation of the national representation, pronounced 
the dissolution of the Chamber, before it had convened, and 
when on the point of convening-^ the second annulled the 
electoral laws then existing, reduced the number of deputies 
from four hundred and thirty to two hundred and fifty-eight, 
left the arrondissement colleges only the right of presenting 
candidates, abolished the secrecy of votes, the intervention 
of the third estate, and the jurisdiction of the royal courts 
in matters of election ; the third convoked the new colleges 
for the 6th and 18th of September, and the Chambers for 
the 28th of the same month ; and the fourth ordinance ab- 
rogated the laws which guarantied the liberty of the press, 
and restored the provisions of that of 1814, by virtue of 
which no periodical journal could be published without pre- 
viously being authorised by the government, and decreed, 
that the presses and type of the journals convicted of diso- 
bedience, should be seized^ or rendered unserviceable. 

Lafayette received at Lagrange, on the morning of the 
27th, a copy of the decrees of the 26th July. He immedi- 
ately set out, post-haste, and arrived on the evening of the 
same day in Paris. In the mean time, insurrectionary 
movements had commenced, and that vast metropolis was 
in fearful commotion. On the promulgation of the decrees, 
the conductors and writers of the liberal journals, with sev- 
eral of their distinguished legal friends, held a meeting, and 
adopted an energetick protest. This protest was printed, and. 



344 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

widely disseminated among the people. It produced an 
electrical effect upon the whole population : 

" From this moment, (says Sarran) publick opinion underwent a 
change : anger and indignation succeeded to surprise ; the interests 
most immediately attacked burst into explosion; the operative print- 
ers presented themselves under arms with incredible audacity ; the 
students of the Polytechnic school threw themselves heroically at the 
head of the insurgent citizens ; those of the schools of law and medi- 
cine followed the example, and the capital was in revolt. All was 
then agitation, all rushing onwards in insurrection. A magnificent 
defence was arranged in a few hours ; the soldiers of despotism pre- 
sented themselves on the field of battle against the publick liberty ; the 
combat was commenced amidst cries of Vive In Charte I Vive le, 
Liberie ! blood flowed ; all hope of conciliation was destroyed, and 
victory must decide between liberty and despotism." 

The deputies then in Paris met on the 26th and 27th. 
They hesitated what course to pursue. A majority of them 
were of opinion that Charles X had no legal authority to 
dissolve the Chamber, in anticipation of its meeting ; and 
that the other decrees were equally tyrannical and illegal. 
Few of them, however, had the moral courage to take a 
prompt and decided stand with the people, who were arming 
for resistance, and at those meetings, nothing definite was 
determined upon. 

Lafayette announced at once on his arrival, his intention 
to espouse the cause of the patriots. The insurrection from 
that time assumed an aspect of unity and determinationc 
The name of Lafayette was a tower of strength, an incen« 
live to order, and a presage of triumph. There had been 
skirmishing on the evening of the 27th, between the people 
and (he royal troops ; and a number of young men, attracted 
to the Luxembourg by the meeting of deputies, were sur- 
rounded and sabred by two detachments of cavalry. At 
four o'clock on the morning of the 28thy a deputation from 
the students of the Polytechnic School met at the house of 
Lafayette ; from thence they went out to fight at the head 
of the people in every quarter of the capital. Amidst the 
sound of the tocsin, the thunder of cannon, and the dis- 
charge of musketry, which announced that the people were 
aroused, the representatives of France once more assembled. 
Lafayette was first at the meeting. He was saluted with 
loud acclamations by the surrounding and anxious crowd. 
Tke contest continued. The royalist troops slaughtered 
alike the armed and the unarmed. Twice had the Hotel de 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 345 

Ville been carried by the patriots, and retaken by the roy. 
alist forces. The contest was doubtful. The deputies still 
hesitated. A protest, tame and inefficient, and a commission 
to obtain a truce, were proposed. Lafayette was for ordering 
Marmont, the commandant of the royal forces, in the name 
of the law, and on his own personal responsibility, to cause 
the firing to cease. He believed that the deputies ought at 
once to espouse the cause and direct the energies of the peo- 
pie. Indignant at the delays, while blood was so profusely 
flowing, Lafayette declared to his colleagues his determina- 
tion to act in accordance with those views, and, with or 
without their concurrence, to redeem the pledge he had given 
to the people. Meanwhile the patriots, after a desperate 
struggle, had again carried the Hotel de VilUe ; the Swiss 
and other guards had retreated before them, and the second 
day, (July 2.8,) closed with the promise of victory. Courage 
began to warm the hearts of the deputies. A few of them, 
with Lafayette at their head, resolved to raise the tri-col- 
oured standard, and at 12 o^clock adjourned to meet the next 
morning at 5, at the house of M. Lafitte, the banker. 

The night from the 28th to the 29th of July, was passed 
throughout Paris in busy preparation for the decisive con. 
test that was to follow. From the meeting of the deputies, 
Lafayette went forth to inspect the barricades, and the de- 
fensive measures which the people were adopting. He was 
recognized by the patriots, and his presence and approba- 
tion created the greatest enthusiasm. After traversing sev- 
eral streets and encountering many dangers, Lafayette, the 
next morning, reached the house of M. Lafitte, where the 
delegates were to assemble. 

The conflict was renewed at daybreak. Some of the 
leading patriots, feeling the want of official sanction, which 
they had looked for in vain from the deputies, had given out 
that a provisional government was formed, composed of La- 
fayette, Gerard, and Chasseul, which held its session at the 
Hotel de Ville. This device operated like magick. The 
name of Lafayette inspired confidence. Entire companies 
of the national guards reappeared in uniform, under arms. 
Prodigies of valour were performed by the people. The 
palaces of the Louvre and the Tuilleries were carried. 
Several battalions, and two entire regiments of the royalist 
troops, either joined the people or retired from the conflict. 



346 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

At this crisis, the deputies, assembled at M. La fitte's,, inspi- 
red with a portion of the general enthusiasm, yielded to the 
solicitations of numerous citizens from the Hotel de Ville, 
for the organization of a provisional government. Lafay- 
ette, on the call of the people, and with his consent, was 
appointed to the command of all the military forces. Gen. 
Gerard immediately volunteered to serve under the orders of 
Lafayette, and the direction of active operations was con- 
fided to him. Civil commissioners were also appointed, to 
take charge of general affairs. 

Lafayette repaired at once to the Hotel de Ville. He was 
conveyed in triumph by crowds of citizens, and saluted on 
the way by men, women, and children, with shouts of joy, 
as their friend and deliverer. Arrived at the Hotel de Ville, 
he caused the tri-coloured flag to be raised upon the tower 
of that ancient edifice, again consecrated to liberty, and 
published the following proclamation : 

"My dear fellow-citizens and brave comrades, 

'* The confidence of the people of Paris once more calls me to the 
command of the popular force. I have accepted with devotion and 
joy the powers that have been confided to me, and, as in 1789, I feel 
myself strong in the approbation of my honourable colleagues, this 
day assembled in Paris. I shall make no profession of my faith, my 
sentiments are well known. The conduct of the Parisian population, 
in these last days of trial, has made me more than ever proud of be^ 
ing their leader. 

" Liberty shall triumph, or we Avill perish together J 

" Vive la Liberte ! Vive la Patrie ! 

" Lafayette." 

Lafayette also addressed the following proclamation to 
the ai my : 

"Brave Soldiers, 

" The inhabitants of Paris do not hold you responsible for the or- 
ders which have been given you ; come over to us, we will receive 
you as brothers ; come and range yourselves under the orders of that 
brave general who has shed his blood for the defence of the country 
under so many various circumstances, General Gerard. The cause 
of the army could not be long separated from the cause of the nation 
and of liberty. Is not its glory our dearest patrimony ? Neither can 
we ever forget that the defence of our independence and our liberty is 
our first duty as citizens Let us then be friends because our interests 
and our rights are in common. General Lafayette declares in the 
name of the whole population of Paris, that it cherishes no sentiment 
either of hatred or hostility against the French soldiers : it is ready to 
fraternize with all those who will return to the cause of the country and 
of liberty ; and it ardently invokes the moment when citizeas and sqL 



LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. 347 

■diers, united under the same banner, and in the same sentiments, may 
at length realize the happiness and glorious destinies of our fine 
country. Vive la France I 

" General Lafayette." 



CHAPTER XXXL 

Result of the "Glorious Three Days"— Lafayette, in behalf of the 
people and the deputies, declares the throne vacant— Refuses the 
executive power— Consents to the appointment of the Dake of Or-= 
leans as Lieutenant-General — Meeting of Lafayette and the Lieu- 
tenant-General, at the Hotel de Ville— Guarantees in favour of lib- 
erty — The Duke made King, with the title of Louis Philippe— ^La- 
fayette appointed commander-in-chief of the national guards — Pre- 
sentation of the colours— Trial of the Polignac ministers— Lafayette 
suppresses the popular commotion— Is the victim of envy and in= 
trigue — Resigns his commission— Continues his services as a depu- 
ty — Opposes a retrograde policy — Benevolent acts, during the «hol- 
era — Age threatens its infirmities — The duel of Dulong and Bugeaud 
— Lafayette attends the funeral of Dulong — The cause of his ill- 
ness—Progress of his disease — His death — Funeral honours and 
obsequies — The Tomb of Lafayette. > 

The glorious three days were ended. The victory was 
complete. Although the people had fought with desperation, 
the utmost order was observed. They walked in triumph 
through the palaces of royalty, and not an article was de- 
spoiled. The prisoners and the wounded were treated by 
them with the greatest humanit}^ What a contrast to the 
Reign of Terrour ! The loss of the patriots in the conflict 
was stated at 6000 men ; 1000 or 1200 killed, the remain^ 
der wounded. That of the royalist troops was not ascer» 
tained ; but from the forbearance shown by the people, in 
the moments of victory, their loss probably was not greater., 

The next day, Charles X sent commissioners to the Ho- 
tel de Ville, to make concessions, and announce the recal of 
the offensive ordinances. Lafayette answered, in the name 
of his colleagues, and of the people, that it was "too late," 
that conciliation was impossible, and that the royal family 
had ceased to reign. 

There was a strong feeling at the Hotel de Ville, among 
those who had been foremost in accomplishing the revolu- 
tion, in favour of a republick, with Lafayette as its Presi- 
dent. It was in the power of Lafayette to have made 



348 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

himself the head of the new government, whether the form 
of it had been repubUcan or monarchical. He gave to the 
world new proofs of the disinterestedness of his motives and 
character, by positively declining all suggestions of that 
nature. It was the wish of Lafayette, that no government 
of a permanent nature should be established, until the pri- 
mary assemblies could be convoked to express the v/ill of 
the nation. The Chamber of Deputies, however, elected 
the Duke of Orleans head of the provisional government, 
under the title of Lieutenant. General of the kingdom. A 
deputation of the Chamber proceeded to the" Hotel de Ville, 
to inform Lafayette of this decision of the deputies. The 
Duke of Orleans had espoused the constitutional cause du- 
ring the former revolution. He had been proscribed by 
the Jacobins ; had taken refuge in Switzerland, and em- 
ployed himself there as a teacher ; had thence joined the 
republican army, and served under an assumed name, until 
compelled by the jealousy of the terrorists to fly ; when, 
after travelling for a time in the north of Europe, he came 
to the United States and travelled through several states of 
the Union. No reverses, no persuasions, could induce him 
to take arms against his country ; and he remained abroad 
until after the fall of the Jacobins. Lafayette, therefore, 
had confidence in the liberal principles and integrity of 
character of the Duke of Orleans. The deputies, chosen 
under peculiar circumstances, fresh from the people, con- 
stituted the only organs which then existed of the national 
will. He, therefore, deemed it his duty to acquiesce in their 
decision, although not in full conformity with his own views. 
The Duke of Orleans having accepted of the appoint- 
ment, repaired to the Hotel de Ville, to pay his respects to 
Lafayette and the civil commissioners, and to take upon 
himself the duties of his office, in the presence of the people. 
He was accompanied by the deputies, and escorted by some 
citizens and national guards. Lafayette, surrounded by 
the municipal commission, and by the pupils of the Poly- 
technic school, who had immortalized themselves during 
the glorious three days, advanced to meet the prince, and 
they embraced each other with cordiality. But the popular 
preference v/as not yet reconciled. Amidst the cries of 
Vive le Due d' Orleans, were heard those of Vive la Liberie ! 
Vive Lafayette ! One of the deputies read the decree of 




>«EETma OP OP THE DUKE OF ORLEANS (NOW LOUIS PHILIPPE, KING OF .5"RA>CS) 
WITH LAFAYETTE, AT THE HOTEL DE YILLE. 



30 



LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. 351 

appointment, and addressed the assemblage. The duke 
then spoke, and enumerated the guaranties which were to 
be granted for the liberties of the people. When the duke 
had concluded, Lafayette cordially grasped his hand, pre- 
sented him the tri-coloured flag, and led him to a window, 
where the prince waved the flag, and the multitude, greeting 
this emblem of liberty with enthusiasm, shouted Vive le Due 
d' Orleans ! Vive Lafayette I 

In a subsequent conversation with Lafayette, the Lieu- 
tenant-General promised all, for liberal principles, which 
Lafayette deemed the circumstances to warrant or require. 
" You know," observed Lafayette, " that I am a republican, 
and that I consider the constitution of the United States as 
the most perfect system that has ever existed." "I think 
so too," replied the duke ; " it is impossible to have lived 
two years in America without being of that opinion ; but 
do you think, in the situation in which France stands, and 
in the present state of pubhck opinion, we can venture to 
adopt it here 1" " No," answered Lafayette ; " what the 
French people want at the present juncture, is a popular 
throne, surrounded by republican institutions." " That," 
rejoined the duke, " is just what I think." 

Being requested by the Lieut. General to retain his corn- 
mand of the national guards of the kingdom, Lafayetla 
consented to do so, provisionally ; and announced that con- 
sent, in a general order, as follows : 

" Amidst the powers created by the necessities of our situation, the 
reorganization of the national guards is a measure of defence and 
publick order demanded on all sides. It is the opinion (and I feel 
that it is complimentary to me) of the Prince who executes the higli 
functions of Lieutenant-General of the kingdom, that I ought for the 
present to take the command of the national guard. I refused to do 
so in 1790, when solicited by 3,000,000 of my comrades, because the 
office would have been permanent and might one day have become 
dangerous. Now circumstances are different and I believe it to be 
my duty, in order to secure liberty and my country, to accept the office 
of commandant general of the national guards of France." 

A few days thereafter, a new constitutional charter was 
framed and adopted ; and, to put an end to the intrigues of 
those who feared a republick, or desired the return of the de- 
posed family, the Duke of Orleans was declared king of the 
French, under the simplified title of Louis Philippe, the Cit- 
izen King. 



352, LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

At the name of Lafayette, the national guards rose up 
arid organized as by enchantment, thi-oughout the kingdom. 
His whole time was assiduously devoted to establishing this 
favourite national armament, which he conceived to be the 
goarantee of liberty, upon the most republican basis. Dep- 
utations from the national guards of the departments inces- 
santly flocked to his quarters, to render their respects and 
to solicit arms. Through his exertions, and by the influence 
of his name and example, order and confidence were resto- 
red throughout France, 

A grand review of the national guards at Paris, took 
place on the 29th of August. Sixty thousand guards, per- 
fectly armed and equipped, paraded in the Champ-de-Mars, 
surrounded by 300,000 spectators, presented a spectacle as 
imposing as that of the federation of 1790. The citizen 
king, surrounded by a brilliant staff*, and a numerous suite 
of general officers, appeared for the purpose of presenting 
standards to this imposing host of citizen soldiers. The 
deputations of the battalions advanced to receive the stand- 
ards, and the king addressed them as follows : 

'* My Comrades— It is with the highest gratification that I confide 
to you these standards, and with the most lively satisfaction that I 
place them in the hands of one, who, forty years since, was at the 
head of your fathers, in this very enclosure. These colours have 
marked the dawn of liberty among us; and the sight of them reminds 
me of my early campaigns. May these standards be the symbols of 
victory against the enemies of the state ; may they prove, at home, 
the safeguards of publick order and of liberty ; may these glorious 
colours, confided to your patriotism and your loyalty, prove, to the 
last, our rallying signal. France for ever !" 

Lafayette received the flags from the hands of the king, 
and, pronouncing the formula of the oath, presented them 
to the ofiicers who had advanced to receive them in behalf 
of the battalions. "This,'^ exclaimed Louis Philippe, "is 
dearer to me than a coronation at Rheims !" And the dis- 
charges of artillery mingled with the acclamations of the 
national guards and the citizens, and the shouts of Vive le 
roi ! Yive Lafayette ! 

The ministers of Charles X, Polignac and his associates, 
who instigated the orders of July, and caused so much blood 
to flow, were about to be brought to trial. Popular feeling 
was inveterate against them, and demanded the sentence of 
death. Strong indications existed af tumult, amd aa inten- 




LAFAYETTE RECEIVING AND DISTRIBUTING THE STANDARDS, PRESENTED lY THE KISG 
TO THE NATIONAL GUARDS OF PARIS, AUGUST 29, 1830. 



30^ 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 355 

tion of the populace to anticipate the infliction of that awful 
punishment which they demanded, upon the culprit minis- 
ters. Lafayette considered the ministers less guilty than 
the dethroned monarch, who had been permitted to leave the 
kingdom. He was opposed to capital punishment in any 
case, and again advocated, in the Chamber of Deputies, its 
abolition. He was intensely anxious, also, to preserve the 
glorious revolution of July, unsullied by any excess, or acts 
of cruelty and injustice. Polignac, it is true had devoted 
Lafayette to death, as the instigator of the revolution ; but 
Lafayette sought only the noble revenge of preserving the 
life of his enemy. Apprehending scenes of violence, the 
king, the Chamber, and the municipal authorities, entrusted 
to Lafayette, as commandant of the national guards, the 
entire control of the military and police, and the adoption 
of such measures as he deemed necessary to preserve the 
publick peace. When cautioned by his friends of the dan- 
gers he encountered by undertaking these duties, and that 
his performance of them, and his efforts to protect the fallen 
ministers from violence and death, would destroy his popu- 
larity, he nobly replied, that " popularity, though the most 
precious of treasures, and the only one that is worthy of 
ambition, must, nevertheless, like all other treasures, be 
given up by every patriot when he thinks that the publick 
good, the justice of the case, and the national interests, de- 
mand the sacrifice." Again > — " True popularity," he said, 
"is not to be judged of by a complaisance in doing what 
will please the multitude ; but by the success with which 
we persuade the people that they ought not to do what is 
wrong, and the firmness with which, when necessary, we 
prevent them from doing wrong without losing any of their 
aflTection." 

About the middle of December, 1830, the trial of the ex- 
ministers commenced. The insurgent populace assembled. 
The people had already attacked the great gate of the pal- 
ace ; frantick shouts were heard within the tribunal of jus- 
tice, and a new insurrection threatened to overthrow, by 
force and bloodshed, the government of the citizen king. 
Lafayette, accompanied only by his aids, went into the 
midst of the mob. He was received and listened to with 
respect, and quiet was for a time restored. New tumults^, 
however, ensued, amidst cries of vengeance upon the ar- 



356 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. 

raigned ministers. But the national guards^ through the 
efforts of Lafayette, stood firm f and the laws were trium- 
phant. The ex-ministers, instead of being condemned to 
death, as the populace demanded, were sentenced to perpet- 
ual imprisonment. Even the national guards partook of 
the popular indignation at this result. Lafayette hastened 
to address them. Their rage was appeased. Polignac and 
his associates were conveyed in safety to the prison as- 
signed to them, and quiet was restored. 

A few days after these important services were rendered,. 
(December 24) the Chamber, through the instigation of en- 
vy and intrigue, adopted a resolution for the total abolition 
of the post of commander-in-chief of the national guards. 
This, had it become a law, would have been a virtual dis- 
missal of Lafayette, although at the same time the honour- 
ary command of the national guards was offered to be con- 
ferred upon him. Lafayette, on learning these proceedings, 
immediately tendered to the king his resignation. His ma- 
jesty was, or professed to be, totally ignorant of the course 
that had been taken, and immediately replied to Lafayette 
as follows : 

" My Dea;R General : I have this moment received your letter, and! 
am as much grieved as surprised at the resolution you have taken, 
I have not yet had time io read the journals. The council of minis- 
ters assembles at one o'clock : after that, I shall be at leisure— that is 
to say, between four and five. I hope to see you there, and to pre- 
vail on you to retract your determination. 

" Accept, my dear General, &.c. "Louis Philippe."^ 

The proposed interview took place. The king endeav- 
oured to dissuade Lafayette from his purpose. Lafayette 
required certain assurances, betbre he would consent to re^ 
main in a station which implied his sanction to the policy 
of the government, that the principles of the revolution of 
July should be carried out. After deliberation, every con- 
cession was offered to Lafayette personally,, but little was 
yielded in behalf of the people. Lafayette answered — " For 
liberty every thing, for myself nothing ;" and persisted in 
his resignation. The king thus announced this determina- 
tion, and his own regret, in a proclamation of December 26 : 

^* Brave National Guards I my dear fellow countrymen ! 
" You will share my regret when you learn that General Lafayette 
has considered it his duty to tender his resignation. I flattered ray- 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE, 357 

self that I should see him longer at your head, animating your zeal by 
his example, and by the recollection of the great services which he 
has rendered to the cause of liberty. His retirement is the more sen- 
sibly felt by me, inasmuch as only a few days have elapsed since the 
worthy General took a glorious part in the maintenance of publick 
order, which you have so nobly and efficaciously protected during the 
late agitations. I have, however, the consolation of thinking, that I 
have neglected nothing to prevent what will be a subject of deep re- 
gret to the national guard, and a cause of real pain to myself. 

" Louis Philippe." 

The President of the CouDcil, in announcing Lafayette's 
resignation to the Chamber of Deputies, said : — " The illus- 
trious chief of the national guards, who for a long time has 
intended to renew the course he pursued forty years ago, 
has resigned his functions in spite of our entreaties. It 
has been his wish to imitate, as far as lay in his power, the 
noble example of Washington. He has only done a little 
too soon, that which he designed to do sooner or later." 

The expressions of regret, were indeed universal. On 
the part of the king and court, they may have been hypo- 
critical ; but on the part of the people, they were deepfelt 
and sincere. The national guards testified their feelings 
by resolving to present to Lafayette a grand monumental 
vase and sword. The vase, which was executed by the Erst 
artists, was completed about the time of Lafayette's death, 
and presented to George Washington Lafayette, as the rep- 
resentative of his father. 

Lafayette continued, after his resignation, to take an ac- 
tive interest in publick affairs, as a representative in the 
Chamber of Deputies. He was opposed to the policy of 
the doctrinaries, who favoured, or rather did not oppose, the 
views of the holy alliance. He advocated the principle of 
non-interference — that the people of every nation should be 
permitted to choose their form of government — -and that 
France, in its diplomatick policy, ought to guaranty that 
privilege to the nations of Europe. 

These views, and his rigid notions of a liberal internal 
.policy, placed Lafayette in opposition to the cabinet of 
Louis Philippe. They secured to him also the confidence 
of the people, and the respect of all nations who valued, or 
were struggling for, liberty. The Belgians proposed to 
place him at the head of their government, which he re- 
spectfully declined ; and ia Germany and Poland, the peo» 



358 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

pie were aroused to contend for liberty, by the cries of Vive 
Lafayette ! 

in the most important debates of the Chamber, Lafayette 
bore a conspicuous part. He endeavoured to secure, in 
the measures both of internal and external policy, all the 
benefits promised to France by the revolution of July — "a 
popular throne, surrounded by republican institutions.'* 
Many of the pledges made on that occasion, had been for- 
gotten or violated by Louis Philippe and his advisers ; and 
against the natural tendency to retrograde, Lafayette oppo- 
sed his voice and his influence. He was thus drawn into 
the vortex of politicks, and was identified with the liberal 
party. In the session of 1831, he thus explained his posi- 
tion and motives : 

" Gentlemen, it is not usually for the purpose of parliamentary op- 
position that I ascend this tribune. 

" However honourable these political struggles, I neither find in my 
situation nor my taste, motives for consecrating to them the seventy- 
fifth year of my life. But when I see, or believe I see, political insti- 
tutions diverging from the direction which the revolution of July has 
given to France ; or when I believe that we are made to descend from 
the elevation on which that revolution had seated us, I feel that it is 
my duty to express myself upon such circumstances, not with a petu- 
lance that I pity, nor with insinuations to which I have only been 
accustomed to ascribe their just value, but with frankness and 
sincerity." 

It is unnecessary to our purpose, however, to specify or 
trace the progress of those questions which constituted the 
elements at that period of the local politicks of France. 
They added but few incidents of importance to the life of 
Lafayette, and are not requisite to illustrate his character. 
It is enough to say, that through the brief remnant of his 
days, he continued to advocate those enlarged and liberal 
principles, for which he had previously been distinguished, 
and laboured to engraft on the government of his native 
land those free institutions which here constitute the safe- 
guards of the rights and privileges of an American citizen. 
How successfully he laboured is, perhaps, yet t© be deter- 
mined. The " Citizen King" still reigns in France ; and 
the experiment from which Lafayette hoped so much would 
be eventually gained by the French people, has not been 
fully tested. 

George Washington Lafayette was also a member of the 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 359 

Chamber of Deputies, and in his political course followed 
the example of his illustrious father. 

Lafayette now passed most of his time in Paris, where he 
had a house and domestick establishment. But amidst his 
arduous duties as a deputy, he found time for social inter- 
course, for hospitality, and numerous acts of charity and 
benevolence. He was a member of various literary and 
benevolent associations, and gave his especial patronage to 
those for the promotion of publick instruction. In his hos- 
pitable mansion in Paris, the resort of the most distinguished 
political, scientifick, and military men of the age, as well as 
of the gay and fashionable, the citizens of America found, 
as they did at the chateau of Lagrange, a most ready and 
cordial welcome. 

When, in 1832, the cholera, that mysterious messenger 
of destruction, riding on the wings of the wind, was spread- 
ing its fearful ravages throughout Europe and America, 
Lafayette hastened to Lagrange — not for personal safety, 
but to render his assistance to those who were menaced or 
attacked by the disease. He took with him a skilful physi- 
cian, a stock of medicine, flannel, linen, blankets, and all 
the requisite supplies, which were freely distributed, and his 
house was open to the inhabitants of Lagrange and the 
neighbouring villages. His son and daughters aided him 
in his benevolent exertions. They went together to the 
villages and houses of the sick— were in motion day and 
night, to assist and console the unfortunate patients, to 
whom they acted as nurse-tenders, and whom they were 
sometimes obliged to bury, when they fell victims to the 
disease. Their presence and example arrested the panick 
and flight of the peasants, and rescued hundreds from the 
grave. The expenses incurred by Lafayette on that occa- 
sion, were estimated by persons who had the opportunity of 
knowing, at 38,000 francs, or a little more than seven thou- 
sand dollars. 

But age was performing its work of derangements upon 
the constitution of this great and good man, although his 
mental faculties remained in full vigour, and his physical 
powers abated little of their activity. On the 29th of Jan- 
uary, 1834, a duel, which had a political origin, took place 
between two members of the Chamber of Deputies, M. Dulong 
and General Bugeaud. It terminated in the death of the 



360 . LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

former. M. Dulong was a young and able member of the 
liberal party, and a friend of Lafayette and his family, 
Lafayette was deeply affected by the fate of his youthful 
friend, who had thus fallen a victim to a false code of hon- 
our and to infuriated party zeal. He visited M. Dulong in 
his last moments, and joined on foot the procession which 
followed him to his grave. He supported with difficulty 
the long walk of several hours, and immediately on his re- 
turn was violently attacked with a disease to which he was 
predisposed, and which has its seat in the region of the 
kidneys. To the assiduity of the best medical skill, the 
disease had partially yielded. Lafayette was enabled to 
take the air occasionally in his carriage ; and hopes were 
entertained, that if he did not recover completely, he might 
be enabled to live free from pain or inconvenience. On 
the 9th of May, he had ridden out as usual, to the country 
house of his granddaughter. A sudden thunderstorm arose ; 
Lafayette was exposed in it to a cold northwest wind, and 
became wet with rain. From that time, the disease as- 
sumed a painful and a fatal character. 

" On the 20th of May, (says Cloquet, one of the attendant phy- 
sicians) about one o'clock in the morning, the gravity of the symptoms 
increased. Respiration, which for the last eight-and-forty hours had 
been much impeded, became still more difficult, and the danger of 
suffocation was more imminent. Drowsiness, delirium, and prostra- 
tion of strength, became more decidedly pronounced, and at twenty 
minutes past four o'clock in the morning, Lafayette expired in our 
arms ! 

" A few moments before he breathed his last, Lafayette opened his 
eyes, and fixed them with a look of aifection on his children, who sur- 
rounded his bed, as if to bless them, and bid them an eternal adieu. 
He pressed my hand convulsively, experienced a slight degree of con^ 
traction in the forehead and eyebrows, and drew in a deep and length* 
ened breath, which was immediately followed by a last sigh. His 
pulse, which had not lost its force, suddenly ceased to beat. A mur- 
muring noise was still heard about the region of the heart. To pro^ 
duce reanimation, we employed stimulating frictions, but in vain ; 
the general had ceased to exist. His countenance resumed a calm 
expression — that of peaceful slumber." 

Such, his death-bed surrounded by his family and many 
of his most intimate friends, were the last moments of La- 
fayette — 'the great, the good man— the patriot and the phi- 
lanthropist. 

The funereal obsequies of Lafayette were attended by all 
th€ distinguished residents in Paris, including the members 




31 



ll'l 








.■el? ^ ^ 








TOMB OP LAFAYETTE. 



LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. 365 

of hoth legislative chambers, the academies, the civil and 
military administrators, the National Guards in full dress, 
with mourning scarfs on their arms, the American citizens 
then in Paris, &;c. The common people, who had lost in 
Lafayette a powerful advocate and protector of their 
rights, and the poor, to whom he had been a friend and 
benefactor, were the most numerous, and not the least sin- 
cere, class of mourners. Among the pall-bearers, was the 
American Secretary of Legation, who represented America 
on the mournful occasion, in the absence of Mr. Livingston, 
the minister from the United States. When the numerous 
procession was on its way to the place of interment, a hum- 
ble individual pressed eagerly forward, to place himself 
immediately behind the bier. " You see," said one of the 
guards, obstructing his passage, " that none but the family 
are admitted there." " We all belong to the family," said 
the poor man, " for he loved us all as his children." What 
could have been more true and more touching ! The ranks 
were immediately opened, and this humble individual, the 
representative of the people in all countries, placed himself 
next to the bier and followed it to the cemetery. When the 
coffin, surmounted with tri-coloured standards^ was depos- 
ited in the tomb, earth from America, mingled with that of 
France, was strewn upon it — an appropriate emblem of the 
common services which he rendered, and the lasting respect 
with which his memory will be cherished, in both countries. 
The remains of Lafayette are deposited in the same tomb 
with those of Madame Lafayette, in the rue de Pictus, No. 
15, at the extremity of the faubourg Saint Antoine, at Paris. 
It is at the end of a large garden, covered with fruit trees, 
shrubs and plants, and a long alley of lime trees, bordered 
with a hedge of elms, leads to the enclosure. The tomb is 
surrounded with an iron railing, is a little higher than the 
ground, and is composed of two large black marble tablets, 
slightly inclined, and forming a very oblique angle. Upon 
the angle is a small cross, the lateral branches of which 
extend on both sides of the monument, that covers the re- 
mains of both husband and wife. This unostentatious tomb, 
which encloses the remains of Lafayette, is continually 
visited by Frenchmen and strangers who knew and appre- 
ciated his worth, and by the pilgrims of liberty from all 
aations. And it will continue to be visited, while virtue is 

31* 



366 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE- 

respected, and the rights and liberties of mankind find a 
heart to cherish, or an arm to defend them. 



CHAPTER XXXn. 

The death of Lafayette creates deep sensations in America — Funeral 
honours and obsequies by the people — His death announced by Pres- 
ident Jackson to Congress — The President's proclamation to the 
Army and Navy — Resolutions of Congress — Oration of the Hon. J» 

Q. Adams Conclusion — Lafayette's person and habits — Summary 

view of his services and character. 

The news of Lafayette's death soon reached America. 
It was met with one deep and general expression of grief 
and veneration. Throughout the popular cities of the Uni- 
ted States, where ten years before the people had rushed with 
eagerness together, to welcome with joy and festivity the 
" Nation's Guest," they now attended in as great numbers, 
mournfully to join in the solemn obsequies, which attested 
alike the worth and services of the illustrious dead,, and the 
grief and gratitude of the living. In the city of Nev/^ York, 
where, on the 27th of June, the first funeral honours were 
paid to Lafayette, the ceremonies were solemn and imposing 
beyond precedent. The urn and eagle used on the occasion, 
were the same sacred emblems which had been exhibited at 
the funeral solemnities at the death of Washington* The 
urn was conveyed in an open carriage drawn by four white 
horses, guarded by the Lafayette guards, and followed by 
revolutionary pall-bearers, members of the Cincinnati So- 
ciety, in open barouches. The procession was between two 
and three miles in length ; the streets through which it 
passed were lined with a dense mass of citizens, and every 
house on the line was filled even to the roof with spectators-. 
The funeral services took place in Castle Garden, where, 
ten years previous, lacking a few days, the brilliant fete was. 
given to Lafayette which is noticed in page 305 of this vol- 
ume. The proceedings ended in a solemn manner, by the 
return at night from Castle Garden of the hearse and urn, 
accompanied by the Lafayette guards, with torches burn- 
ing, and playing the dead march. 

What the whole American people felt individually on this 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE, 367 

occasion, was soon embodied in an official form, by the ex- 
ecutive and representatives of the nation. On the 2tst of 
June, President Jackson communicated to both houses of 
Congress " the afflicting intelligence of the death of the il- 
lustrious Lafayette," which had been received by him that 
morning. He also issued the following general orders : 

"Washington, June 21, 1834. 

" Information havingrbeen. received of the death of General Lafay- 
ette, the President considers it dae to his own feelings, as well as to 
the character and services of that lamented man, to announce the 
event to the Army and Navy. 

" Lafayette was a citizen of France, but he was the distinguished" 
friend of the United States. In early life he embarked in that contest 
which secured freedom and independence t© our country. His servi- 
ces and sacrifices constituted a part of our revolutionary history, and 
his memory will be second only to that of Washington in the hearts 
of the American people. In his own country, and in ours, he was the 
zealous I and uniform friend and advocate of rational liberty. Consist- 
ent in his principles and conduct, he never, during a long life, com- 
mitted an act, which exposedj him to just accusation, or which will 
expose his memory to reproach,^. Living at a period of great excite=- 
ment and of moral and political revolutions, engaged in many of the 
important, events which fixed the attention of the world, and invited 
to guide the destinies of France at two of the most momentous eras of 
her history, his political integrity and personal disinterestedness have 
not been called in question. Happy in such a life, he has been happy 
in. his death. He has been, taken from the theatre of action, with 
faculties unimpaired, with a reputation unquestioned, and an object of 
veneration wherever civilization and the rights of man have extended ; 
and mourning, as we may and must his departure, let us rejoice that 
this associate of Washington has gone, as we humbly hope, to rejoin 
liis illustrious commander, in the fulness of da5's and of honour. He 
came in his youth to defend 'our country. He came in the maturity 
of his age to witness her growth in all the elements of prosperity,.. 
And while witnessing these,- he received those testimonials of nationals 
gratitude, which proved how strong was his hold upon the affections 
of the American People. 

" One melancholy duty remains to be performed. The last Mijor- 
General of the revolutionary army has died. Himself a young and' 
humble participator in the struggles of that period, the President feels 
called on, as well by personal as publick considerations, to direct that 
appropriate honours be paid to the memory of this distinguished 
Patriot and Soldier. He therefore orders that the same honours be 
rendered on this occasion at the different' military and naval stations 
as were observed upon the decease of Washington, the Father of his^ 
Country, and his cotemporary in arms. 

" In ordering this homage to be paid.to the memory of one so emi- 
nent in the field, so wise in council, so endeared in private life, and so 
well and favourably known to both hemispheres, the President feel*- 



368 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. 

assured, that he is- anticipating the sentiments, not of the Army and^ 
Navy only, but of the whole American People. 

"Andrew Jackson." 

On the motion of J. Q. Adams, a select joint committee 
was appointed, on whose report the following resolutions 
were unanimously adopted by Congress : 

" Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the Uni- 
ted States in Congress assembled, That the two Houses have received 
with the profoundest sensibility, intelligence of the death of General 
Lafayette, the friend of the United States, the friend of Washington, 
and the friend of Liberty. 

♦' And be it further resolved. That the sacrifices and efforts of this 
illustrious person, in the cause of our country, during her struggle for 
independence, and the affectionate interest which he has at all times 
manifested for the success of her political institutions, claim from the 
government and people of the United States, an expression of condo- 
lence for his loss, veneration for his virtues, and gratitude for his 
services. 

" And be it further resolved. That the President of the United 
States be requested to address, together with a copy of the above reso- 
lutions, a letter to George Washington Lafayette, and the other mem- 
bers of his family ; assuring them of the condolence of this whole na- 
tion in their irreparable bereavement. 

" And be it further resolved. That the members of the two Houses 
of Congress will wear a badge of mourning for thirty days, and that 
it be recommended to the People of the United States to wear a simi- 
iar badge for the same period. 

"And be it further resolved, That the halls of the Houses be dressed ■ 
in mourning for the residue of the session. 

" And be it further resolved. That John Quincy Adams be requested 
to deliver an oration on the life and character of General Lafayette, 
before the two Houses of Congress at the next session." 

The oration of Mr. Adams was delivered on the 24th of 
December, in the hall of the House of Representatives at 
Washington, in the presence of both houses of Congress, 
the president and heads of department, the foreign minis- 
ters at the seat of government, and a large concourse of 
citizens. It comprised a brief epitome of the life of Lafay- 
ette, and was an eloquent and just tribute to his principles, 
llis character and his publick services, both in France and 
America. Sixty thousand copies were ordered by Congress 
to be published ; and to its sentiments and feelings the 
whole nation respondied. 

To know something of the personal appearance and hab- * 
its- of a man who has rendered such important services to 



LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. 369 

mankind, and who fills so large a space in their affectionate 
remembrance, is a natural, and by no means a vain curios- 
ity. In person Lafayette was tall, and well^ proportioned, 
inclining rather to corpulency. His head was large ; his 
face oval and regular ; his forehead high and' smooth ; his 
eyes were large and prominent, of grayish blue, with well- 
arched, but not bushy, eye-brows ; his nose was aquiline ; 
his complexion clear ; his cheeks were slightly coloured ; 
and at the age of seventy-seven, the period of his death, his 
countenance, ever expressive of goodness and candour, was 
not furrowed by a single wrinkle. Though social and 
cheerful, and at times gay ; though hospitable and generous 
in the entertainment of his friends, he indulged sparingly in 
the pleasures of the table. His diet was simple, and he 
drank nothing but water. To his sobriety and temperance 
may be ascribed his exemption, to so late a period in life, 
from the infirmities of age. The dress of Lafayette was 
ever plain and simple, but he was to the close of his life, 
particularly neat in his person. He usually wore a long 
gray, or dark coloured over-coat, a round hat, pantaloons 
and gaiters, as he is represented in the portrait in the front 
of this volume, and which is pronounced by those who knew 
him, to be a faithful resemblance. 

In private life, Lafayette was a model' of the social and 
domestick virtues, as he was in publick of disinterested pa- 
triotism and unbending integrity. Lafayette was devoid of 
that ambition which seeks personal aggrandizement ; but 
he gloried in the acts he had performed for the liberty and 
happiness of mankind. He had his share of vanity, and 
exhibited in his speeches and correspondence, no little ego- 
tism : but Lafayettehad espoused a great and glorious cause, 
the cause of liberty and justice, of *' the rights of man" 
— and from that cause he was, and felt himself, inseparable. 
Faults he undoubtedly had-— errours of judgement he may 
have committed ; but through a long and active career, his 
course was unsullied by a single vice, by a single act of 
meanness, cruelty, or injustice. He withstood the tempta- 
tions of wealth, the allurements of power, and walked un- 
scathed through the fiery furnace of revolution. We may 
search the pages of history, ancient and modern, without 
finding a character more pure, more perfect, more exalted. 

The time may not have arrived when the services which 



370 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

Lafayette rendered, and attempted to render, to France, can 
be appreciated by the French people, or by the world. He 
lived too soon, he died too soon, for the great work which 
he sought there to accomplish. But it will be consumma- 
ted — and perhaps shortly. The revolution of July, 1830, in 
which Lafayette was the leading and the governing spirit, 
was altogether the most important, in its immediate and 
prospective consequences, of any political change that has 
taken place in France : and the influences of Lafayette's 
principles, his counsels and his examples, are now mingled 
with the elements, and are spreading silently through the 
political and social institutions, of the French nation. The 
death of Louis Philippe may produce further changes — 
changes which will prostrate the tottering remnants of he- 
reditary power, and establish upon their ruins the rational 
liberties of the people. 

But it is different with respect to America. Lafayette 
found here a soil congenial to his principles. The fruits of 
his services are here enjoyed, and may be known and ap- 
preciated by all mankind. It was not as a military cham- 
pion alone, that Lafayette rendered essential aid to this 
country. He was diligent in every way, and in every ca- 
pacity, wherein his influence, his ample fortune, or his per- 
sonal energies, could benefit our cause. In a diplomatick 
capacity, as in a military, he was equally zealous, industri- 
ous and influential ; and his example and exertions contrib- 
uted essentially to secure the aid and alliance of France,, 
without which, in all human probability, the independence 
of the United States would not have been secured. His 
correspondence, in behalf of America, and relative to its 
affairs, could it be all collected, would fill volumes. Indeed, 
the correspondence in which Lafayette was engaged, occu- 
pies nearly the tenth part of the diplomatick correspondence 
of that period which has been collected and published by 
Mr. Sparks. 

An American writer ten years ago [North American Re- 
view, Oct. 1831] observed, that the connexion of Lafayette 
with its cause, is unquestionably to be esteemed as one of 
the most brilliant incidents in the history of this country. 
*^ Chivalry does not record a more beautiful example of he- 
roism or principle ; of personal gallantry ; of enthusiasm 
for worthy objects ; of youthful wisdom and conduct, uni- 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE, 371 

ted to all the factitious and external advantages, which so 
seldom adorn real merit ; but are so often accepted as its 
substitute, and so frequently choke its growth and exer- 
cise. * * * * 'p[jg variety of the avocations which 
l^afayette assumed, the diligence of his correspondence, and 
the prudence and vigour of his conduct, when fairly illus- 
trated, will exhibit to new advantage the character of this 
wonderful man. There have been those who deny him the 
name of great. Let them point out another individual of 
the age, who has borne the test of a career as long and sei - 
vices as various ; whose conduct has been as uniform, whose 
manners as pure, whose success as brilliant, and, we will add, 
whose glory is as bright as his." 

The names of the signers of the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence, are immortalized by the sentence in which they 
pledge to the cause " their lives, their fortunes, and their sa- 
cred honours." Did not Lafayette do this, and more? 
Not in obedience to the ties of kindred and the obligations 
of country ! — Not impelled by the sympathies which flow 
from a common language, from a community of interests, 
of education, habits and pursuits ! To him no selfish mo- 
tive — no virtue of necessity, can be ascribed ! He was a 
foreigner, honourable by hereditary titles, rich in hereditary 
estates : — His kindred and connexions, his personal inter- 
ests, present and prospective — all the social and political 
influences by which he was surrounded, were hostile and 
repulsive to the cause which he espoused. These were 
forsaken — all were pledged and hazarded, with life itself, in 
the support of that cause. And it is time that the great 
truth should be known and acknowledged by the American 
people, that no man risked more— few, if any, did more — to 
establish their liberties and independence, than Lafayette. 
Is this position untenable ? Are these eulogiums too warm and 
highly wrought ? Gen. Washington, who was by no means 
an enthusiast, declared to Doctor Gorden, (1785) that "the 
noble, conspicuous and disinterested part" which Lafay- 
ette had " acted on the American theatre, deserves all 
the gratitude which this country can render him, 
and all the eulogy the pen of a faithful historian 

€AN BESTOW." 

THE END. 



